By Crimean Tatar Foundation USA
A Child of Resistance: The Making of a Young Patriot
Ernest has known the value of freedom since childhood. When Russia annexed Crimea in 2014, he was only 11 years old, but even then he showed extraordinary courage. At school, he openly told teachers and the principal that they were traitors. He defiantly wore blue and yellow colors in his clothing and called St. George ribbons “Colorado ribbons” (a derogatory term in Ukraine). He did not bow his head or submit to the regime. After the illegal annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation, the Baranov family, like thousands of other Crimean Tatar families, faced the necessity of leaving the peninsula due to political persecution and rejection of the occupation regime. Ernest moved to Ukrainian-controlled territory in 2016, where he continued his education at the Ivan Bohun Kyiv Military Lyceum—an elite educational institution traditionally preparing cadets for the Ukrainian armed forces.
Later, on November 24, 2017, his entire family joined him, also relocating to Ukrainian-controlled territory. In the complex socio-political environment, surnames often became not just a formality, but a factor affecting everyday life and security. “My husband’s Slavic surname functioned as a social pass,” notes Elmira Baranova. “The surname ‘Baranov’ created a presumption of belonging to a certain group, which often provided our family with different treatment and opportunities compared to those who carried traditional Crimean Tatar surnames. This contrast was constantly felt, manifesting in various life situations—from everyday interactions to resolving official matters.”
The Baranov children, maintaining their Crimean Tatar self-identification despite their Slavic surname, often surprised those who initially perceived them as ethnic Slavs. This phenomenon of “nominative mimicry” reflects the continuing ethnic stratification—a phenomenon that, in wartime conditions, has transformed from social inequality into a direct security threat for Crimean Tatars.
The Struggle for Recognition: Overcoming Stereotypes in a New Life
Even in early adolescence, Ernest developed stable pro-European and pro-Ukrainian views, which predetermined his future path. In 2018, as a lyceum student, he was supposed to participate in a solemn oath ceremony at the “Motherland” monument in Kyiv before Ukrainian President P. Poroshenko. However, the Baranov family faced discrimination, and their son was removed from the event. The reason for cadet Ernest Baranov’s exclusion from the oath was a direct statement by commanding officer Roman Chertkov, made at the direction of President Poroshenko’s security: “You’re from Crimea, you’re ‘unreliable'”—a formulation manifesting ethno-territorial stigmatization, characteristic of informal practices of institutional discrimination.
Ernest’s parents immediately arrived at the ceremony venue to defend their son’s constitutional rights. Thanks to their persistence, Ernest was admitted to the oath, although he was subjected to selective checks: he was checked through a metal detector, his personal belongings were thoroughly inspected, he was even stripped to his T-shirt, while other cadets were allowed through without additional control.Despite these trials, Ernest remained true to his convictions. In 2020, he signed a contract with the Armed Forces of Ukraine and joined the 503rd Separate Marine Battalion of Ukraine, “Barsuki” and after the start of the full-scale Russian invasion in February 2022, he stood up to defend his country as the youngest 19-year-old fighter in his unit.
The Last Battle: Heroism on the Front Line
“In the vicinity of Avdiivka in the Donetsk region, Ernest was performing another combat mission as part of a group of 12-14 people. Moving first, he discovered an enemy ambush and, without hesitation, took the main blow upon himself, which saved the lives of the entire group,” says his father Yuriy, referring to testimonies of survivors from that battle. According to them, Ernest received wounds to his legs and chest, but the intensity of enemy fire made his evacuation impossible.
When Russian soldiers captured their son, Yuriy and Elmira Baranov did not wait and remain silent—they transformed their pain into action. The Crimean Tatar family united others like themselves—parents, wives, children of those who were taken from the battlefield, who went missing, who were thrown into cells in occupied territories. Thus, the organization “Phoenix of Mariupol” was born—a symbol of resilience, unbroken spirit, and struggle for the return of Ukrainian prisoners of war.
For 274 days now, members of this organization have been holding an indefinite picket at the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Every day outside the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine (26 Hrushevskoho Street), they organize minutes of silence in the center of Kyiv, blocking roads at 9 a.m., and also daily blocking the road near the parliament, calling on the entire city to honor the memory of the fallen and not forget those who are in captivity. And Kyivans respond—drivers get out of their cars and silently join the action.
“My parents live in Crimea, and they are elderly. Every day my mother calls, asks about the grandchildren. But they don’t know that Ernest is in captivity. We couldn’t tell them that Ernest went missing, and that we’ve been looking for him since 2022. We’re very worried about them, that they might not survive if they learn about this,” says Elmira Baranova.
For the Baranovs, this struggle is not only personal but also part of the broader history of Crimean Tatar resistance—a people who again find themselves at the forefront of the struggle for freedom and justice, now in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war.
Bureaucratic Labyrinth: The Struggle for Recognition of Prisoner Status
The family’s path through Ukrainian bureaucratic obstacles reveals an alarming picture: confirmations about servicemen being in captivity arrive, and then are suddenly refuted. Official recognition of captivity can become a source not of relief, but of new problems for the family.
According to documents provided by the Baranov family, and their testimony, in March 2023, they received official confirmation from then-commissioner for missing persons Oleh Kotenko that “Ernest Baranov, Ernest Yuriyovych, confirmed by the Russian ICRC (International Committee of the Red Cross).”
However, at a meeting with Ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets, a scene occurred that, according to Elmira, shocked the family: “We show him the confirmation from Kotenko, and he demonstratively calls Kotenko on speakerphone in front of us. And directly, almost cursing: ‘What the hell are you throwing around information for?’ Elmira recalls. “By the time we returned home, we received a response that the information given to us by Kotenko was erroneous.”
A similar situation of information dysfunction occurred approximately a year after the initial incident. On February 7, 2025 (Friday), a representative of the Territorial Recruitment Center (TRC) personally delivered to the Baranov family home documentary confirmation of Ernest being in captivity, which naturally caused a positive emotional reaction from the serviceman’s parents. However, inter-agency verification of this information revealed significant institutional contradictions. On February 10, 2025 (Monday), during an official event of the public organization “Phoenix-Mariupol,” the Baranov family initiated the process of confirming the received information, appealing to D.S. Usov, secretary of the Coordination Headquarters for Prisoner of War Affairs (deputy head of K. Budanov). It should be particularly noted that the official, whose direct functional responsibilities include centralized registration of citizens missing under military action conditions, refrained from providing a specific answer. On February 11, 2025 (Tuesday), continuing independent actions to verify the received information, the family established communication with the command of military unit A1275, whose representatives identified the National Information Bureau (NIB) as the primary source of information about the serviceman’s captivity. In subsequent contact with NIB Director N. Babiychuk, an explanation was received qualifying the situation as a “technical malfunction in data processing” with an additional comment: “Our girls accidentally entered incorrect information into the registry as they were entering everything manually.” This explanation aroused justified skepticism from the serviceman’s mother, which was recorded in her official comment: “My perception of the situation left no doubt about the unreliability of the presented explanation.”
As subsequent events showed, these concerns were well-founded—an anonymous source in one of the departments later confirmed to the family the accuracy of the original data, noting that the information had been withdrawn from official circulation for “operational considerations.” Andriy Pasternak, head of the Joint Center at the SBU, limited himself to the formal: “Work is ongoing.” The International Red Cross in Ukraine responded coldly: “no information.”
This series of contradictory statements exposes a deep problem in the system of accounting for prisoners of war: lack of transparency, inconsistency between departments, and, probably, a systemic phenomenon of information disavowal, in which reliable information about a prisoner of war’s status is first provided through official channels, and then deliberately refuted by higher authorities for “operational considerations,” turning bureaucratic collisions into an additional ordeal for families, when hope is given only to be taken away again.
“Hunting for Crimean Tatars”: Organized Persecution on Ethnic Grounds
Russia continues illegal persecutions in occupied Crimea, ignoring international law and basic human rights. Among political prisoners held in Russian prisons and detention centers are seriously ill people with disabilities. Lack of proper medical care, poor detention conditions, and systematic ignoring of health complaints lead to deterioration of their condition and even death. It should be noted that the story of the Baranov family highlights the particularly difficult situation of Crimean Tatar servicemen. Fearing additional persecution by Russian occupation authorities, many Crimean Tatars are forced to take extreme measures: adopt Christian call signs, hide their nationality to protect relatives who remained in Crimea.
International observers note the special vulnerability of Crimean Tatar servicemen in Russian captivity. President of the Crimean Tatar Foundation USA Zera Mustafaeva emphasizes: “Crimean Tatars are subject to complex discrimination. They defend Ukraine as citizens and simultaneously bear additional risks as representatives of a people subjected to systematic torture and persecution in the occupied territory of Crimea.”
Independent researchers have documented specific cases of public calls for unlawful actions against prisoners of war on ethnic grounds. In particular, the Telegram channel DSHRG ‘Rusich’ (251 thousand subscribers as of March 2025) openly posted messages demanding to provide ‘a prisoner… preferably not quite a Slavic one, but a tanned one, a Crimean Tatar or something similar for a ritual sacrifice’, which is confirmed by archived digital evidence.
These actions qualify as a direct violation of Articles 13 and 14 of the Geneva Convention III of August 12, 1949, on the Treatment of Prisoners of War, according to which ‘prisoners of war must at all times be treated humanely’ and ‘they are entitled to respect for their persons and their honor’, and also prohibits ‘discrimination on grounds of race, nationality, religious belief, political opinions’ and any ‘acts of violence or intimidation’.
The public posting of such appeals, accompanied by numerous positive reactions from channel participants (more than 8 thousand approving marks), also falls under the definition of hate-motivated crimes according to the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination and is an aggravating circumstance when such cases are considered by international judicial bodies.
“Russia deliberately uses military captivity and criminal prosecutions in Crimea as a tool of collective punishment of the Crimean Tatar people for their active position against the annexation of Crimea in 2014. These are not just political repressions—this is an attempt to break the spirit of an entire people,” emphasized Mustafaeva.
Particularly alarming is the fact that in many cases, Russian authorities do not even acknowledge the fact of Crimean Tatars being captured, creating a so-called ‘enforced disappearance’—a situation recognized by international law as a continuous crime against humanity according to the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances.
From the “Noman Çelebicihan” battalion formed by Crimean Tatars, 55 people have already been taken prisoner, and none have been returned in exchanges. They receive disproportionately severe sentences—from 12 to 18 years imprisonment, declaring them “terrorists,” similar to fighters of the “Azov” regiment (CTRC, 2025).
“Russia qualifies the Crimean Tatar volunteer battalion as a ‘terrorist organization,’ which completely contradicts international law,” explains lawyer Emil Kurbedinov, who represents the interests of many political prisoners. “This provides the occupation authorities with formal legal cover, contradicting the principle of distinction in international humanitarian law, for imposing disproportionately severe sentences, which may qualify as judicial prosecution without due legal process—a war crime under Article 8 of the Rome Statute.”
On June 1, 2022, Russia’s Supreme Court granted the General Prosecutor’s lawsuit recognizing the Crimean Tatar Volunteer Battalion as a terrorist organization, which became a legal screen for mass repressions. The fate of detained Crimean Tatars is often tragic. 60-year-old Rustem Virati, detained in March 2023 in Novoalekseevka on charges of participating in the battalion, died in a correctional colony in Dimitrovgrad, Ulyanovsk region. And this is not an isolated case (СTRC)
Unfortunately, not everyone returns alive from Russian prisons,” says a representative of the Crimean Tatar Foundation USA. “61-year-old Konstantin Shiring, 60-year-old Dzhemil Gafarov, who had disability groups 1 and 2—all died in detention due to lack of medical care.
The Baranov family is particularly concerned that, given this practice, their son Ernest may not only be excluded from exchange lists as a representative of the Crimean Tatar people but may also be in life-threatening conditions. Among political prisoners held in Russian prisons and detention centers are seriously ill people with disabilities, including Zekirya Muratov, Alexander Sizikov (disability group 1), Servet Gaziev, and others.
According to the Crimean Tatar Resource Center, a total of 10,018 violations of basic human rights were recorded in occupied Crimea for 2017-2024, 6,730 of them against representatives of Ukraine’s indigenous people. During the years of Crimea’s occupation, there have been documented: 398 political prisoners and those persecuted in criminal “cases,” 241 of them representatives of the Crimean Tatar people. 61 dead, 29 of whom are representatives of the Crimean Tatar people. 25 victims of enforced disappearances, 18 of whom are representatives of the Crimean Tatar people (CTRC)
For the Baranov family and other Crimean Tatar families whose loved ones have been captured, the situation is especially difficult. They not only live in uncertainty about the fate of their relatives but also realize that the chances of their return are significantly lower due to Russia’s deliberate policy.
“My son is a Crimean Tatar, and we understand that his nationality makes his position even more vulnerable,” admits Elmira Baranova.
However, many families who have lost loved ones in the Russian-Ukrainian war and live in occupied territories find themselves in an even more agonizing position. Unlike families in Ukrainian-controlled territory, they cannot openly search for missing relatives, participate in public support actions, or appeal to international organizations—any such activity immediately attracts the attention of occupation authorities and threatens the safety of the entire family. Even a simple phone call inquiring about the fate of a son or husband can become a cause for persecution. Crimean Tatar servicemen are forced to cut ties with relatives who remained in Crimea, protecting them from potential repressions. A paradox of war: while fighting for the freedom of their land and people, Crimean Tatar fighters are deprived of vital moral support from their native home during the most difficult period of their lives, and their families mourn their loved ones in silence, hiding tears from neighbors.
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the UN have repeatedly called on the Russian Federation to comply with international humanitarian law norms and ensure access to prisoners.
The status and treatment of prisoners of war are strictly regulated by international law. Article 122 of the Third Geneva Convention unequivocally requires the detaining power to provide information about each prisoner of war, including their health condition, and Additional Protocol I extends these obligations to the missing.
Experts in international humanitarian law qualify the refusal to provide information about prisoners and obstruction of ICRC access as a serious violation (grave breach) of Article 130 of the Third Geneva Convention , which may entail individual criminal responsibility under international law.
“Concealing information about confirmed prisoners of war not only violates international law but also aggravates the suffering of families in uncertainty,” comments Zarema Mustafaeva at the Crimean Tatar Foundation USA.
Such systematic violations can be presented as evidence in the International Criminal Court, which since March 2022 has been investigating alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in the context of the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine, or in universal jurisdiction mechanisms of countries recognizing these crimes.
To avoid giving up in the face of difficulties and to be heard, Yuriy and Elmira Baranov, together with other families of servicemen who are in captivity or considered missing in action, are attracting attention not only from Ukrainian society but also from international legal organizations. The persistence of “Phoenix-Mariupol” is beginning to bring real results. Among the active members of the organization is Vlada Mordyk, whose family paid an exorbitant price for the defense of Mariupol. Her father, Sergey Mordik, and uncle died during the last defense of “Azovstal.” Her mother, Elena, who served in the “Azov” regiment, ended up in Russian captivity. After months of relentless actions, pickets, and international appeals by the organization, on December 30, 2024, a long-awaited event occurred—Vlada’s fiancé, Danila Barshatsky, who also defended Mariupol, returned home as part of a prisoner exchange. This victory, literally suffered for, became for all participants of “Phoenix-Mariupol” proof that even in the most hopeless situations, the struggle makes sense.
Documented results of the organization’s activities include a whole series of specific cases of prisoner liberation. Thus, on September 14, 2024, the son of activist Milana was freed, and on October 18 of the same year, two sons of Irina returned from captivity. Special attention deserves the case of Yuriy Yurchenko, who as a result of the traumatic experience of Russian captivity exhibits severe post-traumatic disorder, manifesting in the loss of speech function. On December 30, 2024, another significant event occurred—as part of a prisoner exchange, it was possible to secure the release of Irina’s husband, Loren’s son, who defended Mariupol. This victory, literally suffered for, became for all participants of “Phoenix-Mariupol” proof that even in the most hopeless situations, the struggle makes sense.
“We know that if we stop talking, they will simply erase them from memory. They won’t return them. We have no right to let this happen,” explains Elmira the mission of “Phoenix of Mariupol.” This is not just a traditional association of military families, but a multifunctional commemorative space, combining elements of collective memory, social trauma, and resilience. The organization consolidates relatives of those who participated in the defense of Mariupol, Bakhmut, Avdiivka, and other strategic objects of Ukraine, regardless of the current status of the servicemen—in captivity, listed as missing in action, or those who gave their lives during combat operations. Community members are representatives of different generations and gender groups—parents, spouses, children, siblings of Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar defenders, consolidated by two interrelated tasks: practical (repatriation of relatives) and commemorative (preservation of historical memory about the courage shown).
Despite the organizational successes of ‘Phoenix of Mariupol’, for the parents of the Crimean Tatar serviceman, each new prisoner exchange turns into an agonizing ritual between hope and disappointment. “We’ve been going so many times to exchanges,” Elmira says. According to the Baranovs, each exchange represents hours of anticipation followed by disappointment when their son is not among those released.
The father is present at every exchange with a photo of his son, hoping either to meet him among the freed or to get information from returning prisoners. Some of the released servicemen confirmed that they saw Ernest in captivity in 2022, which supports the family’s belief in his survival.
Maintaining strength of spirit, Elmira and Yuriy do not limit themselves to just searching for their son—they have become a support for many Crimean Tatar families facing a similar tragedy. ‘We attend every jenaze (memorial service) with Yura. Every jenaze of every fighter who died, we visit,’ says Elmira, emphasizing the importance of solidarity and mutual support of the Crimean Tatar people, where each loss is perceived as a common tragedy.
The story of the Baranov family emphasizes the need to strengthen international pressure on Russia to obtain information about all prisoners, including representatives of vulnerable groups such as Crimean Tatars.
While Elmira’s mother and Ernest’s grandmother calls from occupied Crimea and asks about the grandchildren, the Baranov family continues to live with a heavy burden: the necessity of hiding the truth from elderly parents, and fighting both for recognition of the fact of their son’s captivity and his return home.
Despite the setbacks, the Baranov family continues their advocacy efforts. Their case highlights the broader issue of ethnic discrimination in prisoner exchanges, according to human rights observers following the war.
“Every day at the walls of the Verkhovna Rada, during the minute of silence, we make a sacred covenant with our heroes. With those who held the defense of Mariupol, Donetsk, Luhansk, Bakhmut, and dozens of other Ukrainian cities. With those who are now in captivity, with those we are still searching for, and with those who protected our future at the cost of their own lives.
The daily demonstrations have gained notable public support. Drivers routinely stop their vehicles during the moment of silence, and pedestrians pause their activities, demonstrating widespread solidarity with the families of those in captivity.
We will never stop fighting for the release of every prisoner. We will never cease searching for the missing. And we promise to eternally preserve the memory of those who gave the most precious thing—life—for the freedom and independence of Ukraine,” says Elmira Baranova.
“We believe that Ernest will return. And we will do everything possible for this,” “We believe that Ernest will return. And we will do everything possible for this,” says Yuriy Baranov.
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