Rare Cultural Exhibition Unveils Hidden Treasures of Crimean Tatar Heritage in Washington, DC

Rare Cultural Exhibition Unveils Hidden Treasures of Crimean Tatar Heritage in Washington, D.C.

By Liliya Emirsaliyeva

WASHINGTON, DC, April 8, 2025 – A remarkable exhibition showcasing previously unseen artistic masterpieces and rare cultural artifacts from the indigenous Crimean Tatar people will open in Washington, D.C. “Crimean Tatar Heritage: Indigenous People of Ukraine in Painting Masterpieces” will be on display at the Ukrainian House (2134 Kalorama Rd NW) on April 8 at 6:30 PM as part of the American Coalition for Ukraine Week.

The exhibition presents a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity for Washingtonians to view a collection of 15 rare reproductions of European paintings created between the 18th and 19th centuries—many of which have never been publicly displayed and exist only in private collections. These works capture authentic scenes of Crimean Tatar life, culture, and architecture before significant historical changes altered the region’s landscape.

The exhibition presents a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity for Washingtonians to view a collection of 15 rare reproductions of European paintings created between the 18th and 19th centuries—many of which have never been publicly displayed and exist only in private collections. These works capture authentic scenes of Crimean Tatar life, culture, and architecture before significant historical changes altered the region’s landscape.

These paintings serve as time capsules, offering visitors a glimpse into a vibrant and sophisticated culture that many Americans may be unfamiliar with,” says Dr. Zera Mustafaieva, President of the Crimean Tatar Foundation USA and the exhibition’s organizer, who also serves as a scholar at Purdue University. “The European artists who created these works were essentially documentarians, capturing a way of life that has endured despite tremendous challenges.

Exhibition Highlights:

Historical Masterpieces: Reproductions of works by renowned artists who traveled to Crimea in the 18th-19th centuries, including Carlo Bossoli’s “Khan’s Palace” and and vilage Kucuk Lambat by Christophe Miville.

UNESCO-Recognized Heritage: Items representing cultural traditions protected under UNESCO’s Intangible Cultural Heritage list

Ancient Coinages: Rare numismatic collection featuring coins from the 15th-16th century Crimean Khanate

Traditional Crafts: Exquisite women’s filigree jewelry showcasing the influence of Silk Road traditions

Cultural Artifacts: Collectible porcelain dolls “Karashaysky” in traditional costumes, illustrating the Crimean Tatar culture.

Household Treasures: 19th-century artifacts including traditional coffee pot (jezve), grinders from 19th-centuries, Chagyrych from 18th-centuries and other items that have survived historical upheavals

The exhibition goes beyond mere display, offering an immersive cultural experience. Attendees will engage directly with Crimean Tatar heritage through interactive installations, multimedia presentations, and guided explorations that animate centuries of indigenous Ukrainian cultural traditions.

The event coincides with the American Coalition for Ukraine Week (April 6-10, 2025), adding a rich cultural dimension to ongoing policy discussions. Ukraine’s Ambassador to the United States, Dr. Oksana Markarova, will attend the opening ceremony at the Ukrainian House, highlighting the diplomatic significance of this cultural showcase.

“This exhibition represents more than artistic appreciation—it embodies our commitment to preserving cultural memory through beauty and truth,” explains the Crimean Tatar Foundation vice president Zarema Mustafaieva. “We extend a warm invitation to Washington’s diplomatic corps, cultural attachés, art connoisseurs, historians, journalists, and anyone fascinated by discovering extraordinary cultural narratives to join us for what promises to be a memorable evening of cultural revelation.”

Event Details:
“Crimean Tatar Heritage: Indigenous People of Ukraine in Painting Masterpieces”
Date: April 8, 2025
Time: 6:30 PM
Location: Ukrainian House, 2134 Kalorama Rd NW, Washington, DC 20008
Admission: Free

The exhibition is organized by the Crimean Tatar Foundation USA and held under the distinguished patronage of the  Embassy of Ukraine in the United States, with the generous support of the  Ukraine House and the American Coalition for Ukraine. Principal sponsor: Nazly Law.

For more information, contact: info@crimeantatarfoundation.org

Inter-ethnic Manipulations: Russia and Its Strategy of Destabilizing Ukraine

Inter-ethnic Manipulations: Russia and Its Strategy of Destabilizing Ukraine

By Zarema Mustafaieva

UKRAINE — Russian strategy in the context of geopolitical confrontation in Ukraine is aimed at using inter-ethnic diversity as a tool for inciting tension and destabilizing the internal political situation. It’s important to consider this phenomenon in the broader context of information warfare, where inter-ethnic contradictions are used to manipulate public opinion and create conditions for internal division. In this context, inter-ethnic diversity in Ukraine doesn’t just become a factor but transforms into a weapon for inciting conflicts that undermine the country’s social and political stability.

Geopolitical expansion aimed at utilizing inter-ethnic diversity as a tool for destabilization should be examined within the framework of modern hybrid warfare (Catney et al., 2020). In this paradigm, information technologies and manipulations play no less significant role than traditional military actions, substantially broadening our understanding of contemporary conflict. The exploitation of cultural, ethnic, and social contradictions within target states (Kuldas et al., 2021) has become a key element of modern hybrid warfare. This phenomenon gains particular significance in the context of strategies aimed at weakening state sovereignty through the manipulation of ethnic factors (Catney et al., 2020).

Existing research demonstrates the dualistic nature of ethnic diversity in modern societies. On one hand, it can promote intercultural understanding and social cohesion (Umeh et al., 2023 ; Smith et al., 2011). On the other hand, under certain conditions, it can become a source of social tension and inter-ethnic conflicts (Ojo, 2015; Cayón & Chacon, 2022). In the context of hybrid warfare, ethnic diversity is deliberately transformed into an instrument of destabilization (Alan et al., 2023). Adversaries seek to exploit potential inter-ethnic contradictions to undermine state stability and create obstacles for the international integration of the target state (Catney et al., 2020; Kuldas et al., 2021).

Example with Global Events

In Ukraine’s information space, there is an intensification of manipulative practices using the inter-ethnic factor. To define this intensification, we will examine two cases, using a comparative approach in the broader geopolitical context of what is happening in the World. Comparing local incidents in Ukraine with global events is an important method of analysis within the geopolitical approach. This explains Russia’s desire to use “hot spots” in Ukraine’s information space to increase foreign policy pressure.

Reflexive Control Operations: Analysis of Anna Muzychuk’s Case

In Ukraine’s information space, there is an increasing application of reflexive control operations that go beyond traditional understanding of disinformation. One recent example was the story of Ukrainian chess player Anna Muzychuk, used in a media campaign to create a “values divide” between Ukraine and the Muslim world. This case raises important research questions: why was the story revived at this particular moment, and who was behind its dissemination?

In 2017, Anna Muzychuk  (Boren, 2017) , a two-time world chess champion, refused to participate in a tournament held in Saudi Arabia. Her decision was based on discriminatory rules requiring women to wear abayas and be accompanied by men. This act became a symbol of the fight for human rights and equality, drawing admiration both in Ukraine and abroad. However, it’s important to note that since then, Saudi Arabia has implemented several reforms, including allowing women to appear in public without male accompaniment.

In December 2023, this story unexpectedly “revived” on social media through a large-scale campaign that reached millions of users in various languages: English, French, Ukrainian, Russian, Arabic, Italian, and Greek. Monitoring systems recorded 843 original publications on Facebook and Twitter, including posts that gathered over 17 thousand reposts and 5.3 million views for a single tweet. This activity drew attention from both anti-Muslim and pro-Muslim groups, triggering a new wave of emotional engagement and discussions. (UA Osint,2023)

It’s particularly noteworthy that the information campaign coincided with important diplomatic successes for Ukraine. In his address, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced cooperation with the Qatar government (24 tv ua, 2023), which enabled the return of one of the deported children from Russia to Ukraine. Countries of the “Global South,” many of which are Muslim, are becoming important partners for Ukraine in overcoming the consequences of war. Such information attacks are aimed at undermining these relationships. Anna Muzychuk’s story  (Boren, 2017), which defended human rights in the context of Muslim traditions, was used as a tool to emphasize the conflict of values and break potential ties between Ukraine and the Muslim world. This case is a classic example of how reflexive control operations manipulate positive value stories, turning them into tools for achieving geopolitical goals.

Destabilization Model: System Analysis

The Crimea Platform (Kaledin, 2024; Sedliar, 2023), is the only international format where Crimean Tatars and their rights in their native land become a central topic for discussion among world leaders and political actors. Paradoxically, 2024 became a period of dismissals of Crimean Tatar representatives. On December 4, 2024, the Deputy President of Ukraine in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Tamila Tasheva, was dismissed (Decree of the President of Ukraine №800/2024, 2024). Recall that Emine Dzheparova, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, who was at the origins of establishing the Crimean Platform (UA Analytica, 2021, MFA GovUa, 2020),  was also dismissed in April 2024, as reported by the Cabinet of Ministers’ permanent representative in the Verkhovna Rada, Taras Melnychuk, on his Telegram channel (Melnichuk T. 2024). Attempts to remove another Crimean Tatar representative from state administration appears as a change in Ukraine’s internal policy, when the Crimean project approaches its completion and all those appointed to positions dealing with the Crimean issue are dismissed on their own initiative.

Geopolitical tension reached a new level on December 7, 2024, when Turkey initiated large-scale military support for the Syrian opposition in their confrontation with the Assad regime and Russian military formations in (Syria Radio Svoboda Europe/Radio Liberty, 2023). This strategic move not only strengthened Turkey’s position as a force opposing totalitarian regimes on the international arena but also provoked a sharp escalation of tension in Russian-Turkish relations.

The Russian media space’s reaction to events was prompt and highly indicative, reflecting a strategy of deliberate information escalation. Russian state media launched a large-scale propaganda campaign with the central theme “Today Syria, tomorrow Crimea.” (24tv ua, 2024) As noted by Ukrainian and Russian analytical centers, a key element of this narrative became the portrayal of Erdogan’s actions as a “knife in the back,” (Unian,2024; RIAC,2024) which quickly became dominant in the Russian information field. As part of this campaign, Russian officials systematically spread theses about Turkey’s alleged “territorial ambitions” regarding Crimea, aimed at strengthening anti-Ukrainian and anti-Crimean Tatar sentiments.

Ukraine also reacted to this theme, but with a different interpretation: in Ukrainian media discourse, it transformed into a thesis about possible Turkish assistance in returning occupied territories. However, Russian information agents in Ukraine actively deployed a parallel campaign, claiming that Turkey allegedly seeks to take control of Crimea. This rhetoric spread through public statements by certain individuals formally representing the Ukrainian side, contributing to the scaling of Russian propaganda. Thus, the situation demonstrates the use of hybrid methods of information warfare, aimed at both undermining trust in Ukrainian-Turkish cooperation and increasing internal social polarization.

Xenophobia in Ukrainian Officials’ Rhetoric: Analysis of Rustem Umerov’s Case

During the height of geopolitical tension between Russia and Turkey, particular attention was drawn to a publication on the ZN.UA information platform analyzing Defense Minister Rustem Umerov’s activities (D. Kalenyuk, A. Hetmanchuk, M. Berlynska, 2024, 2024). The article, prepared by three prominent civil society representatives – Daria Kaleniuk, Olena Hetmanchuk, and Maria Berlinska, who position themselves as “watchdogs” (professional observers of state institutions) supported by Western grants and theoretically should be implementing European values in Ukraine, however, the article’s context and tone raise serious questions regarding professional standards of analytical journalism. Maria Berlinska’s statement in a UP interview that “the best scenario for Ukraine is not the 1991 borders, this needs to be forgotten”(Ukrainska Pravda, 2024 (30:00), potentially indicates that such statements could be interpreted as harbingers of political decisions that might change the country’s course. If such thoughts are perceived as preparation for concessions, this could affect both domestic and international policy, including Ukraine’s allies’ reactions.

The article criticizing the Ukrainian Ministry of Defense’s professional activities contains ambiguous ethnic connotations, which prompted legitimate reactions from both Crimean Tatar representatives and Ukrainian journalists and deputies. Among those who expressed concern about increasing xenophobic tendencies in Ukrainian media space were figures such as State Logistics Operator director Arsen Dzhumadinov, Chairman of the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People Refat Chubarov, President of the Crimean Tatar Resource Center Eskender Bariev, President of the US Crimean Tatar Foundation Zera Mustafayeva, Ukrainian journalists and researchers including Larysa Voloshyna and Mykhailo Yakubovych, and MPs such as Mykola Kniazhytskyi and Akhtem Chiygoz. Particular concern was raised by a series of supporting materials from various Ukrainian public figures following the article, including MP Marianna Bezuhla (earlier, on September 19, 2024, 252 deputies removed her from the position of Deputy Chair of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on National Security, Defense and Intelligence) (Zabozhko, 2024), MP Oleksiy Goncharenko, civic activist Vitaliy Shabunin, and journalist Yuriy Nikolov, (known for his questionable analytical texts). These publications, while declaring protection of state interests, effectively contributed to legitimizing xenophobic discourse.

These reactions serve as clear indicators of potential risks related to destabilizing inter-ethnic relations and increasing social tension. For a comprehensive and objective analysis, it’s necessary to examine in detail quotes that could be interpreted as discrediting, provoking inter-ethnic hostility, or undermining the authority of Defense Minister Rustem Umerov, a Crimean Tatar whose position in Ukrainian politics represents an important element of ethnic and national identity (Yirmidort, 2024).

Linguistic analysis of the text demonstrates deliberate distortion of cultural markers aimed at creating a negative narrative. Particularly revealing is the use of the term “saray”, which in Crimean Tatar traditionally means “palace“, but is deliberately interpreted in the article as “abandoned place for traders”. Such semantic manipulation serves as a tool for forming an image of the Crimean Tatar people as a “foreign element” supposedly connected exclusively with Turkey’s external interests. Notably, such word distortion resembles systematic Russian propaganda practices aimed at transforming positive meanings into derogatory ones. For example, the Ukrainian word “vrodlyva/вродлива” (beautiful) was deliberately replaced with “urodlivaya/уродливая” (ugly) in Russian narratives, corresponding to a similar approach in interpreting the term “saray.” This suggests that the article’s authors consciously borrow elements of Russian rhetoric, particularly relevant in the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine.

Even more concerning is the use of the term “sultan style” and references to “eastern despotism”. Such formulations not only demonstrate the authors’ orientalist prejudices but also create a dangerous precedent where a leader’s ethnic background automatically becomes grounds for assumptions about their management style.

The use of derogatory phrases like “the clan ruling there now is very close to Turkey” further reinforces the text’s manipulative nature, creating direct parallels with rhetoric typical of antisemitic and xenophobic narratives. In such cases, an ethnic group is portrayed as “foreign”, supposedly acting in the interests of “external forces”. This emphasizes the authors’ intent not only to discredit an individual figure or policy but to embed persistent stereotypes in public consciousness that divide and polarize society. Thus, the information attack is not just personalized but systematic, indicating the true motives and aims of this material directed at ethnic and cultural discreditation.

Rustem Umerov’s political trajectory and subsequent criticism of his activities as Ukraine’s Defense Minister presents a telling example of how ethnic identity continues to play a significant role in shaping modern Ukraine’s political discourse. Before his appointment as Defense Minister in September 2023, Umerov established himself as an effective statesman, recognized by the award of the Order of Merit, III degree in August 2021 (Baibak 2023). This fact is noteworthy in the context of broader discussion about the role of Crimean Tatars in post-Maidan Ukrainian politics.

Analysis of Umerov’s public activities demonstrates his significant contribution to developing Ukraine’s international relations, especially in military-technical cooperation. As The Wall Street Journal notes – “Umerov established close ties in the Muslim world, particularly with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Negotiations with Turkey played a crucial role in reaching an agreement with Russia to begin Ukrainian grain exports. Umerov also played a vital role in the September 2022 agreement, which included mediation by Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates and led to the exchange of hundreds of prisoners, including Ukrainian military commanders captured in Mariupol” (Trofimov 2023).

The article’s text clearly contains elements of biased criticism aimed more at discreditation than constructive analysis. The main content is saturated with manipulative messages, personal attacks, and stereotypical assertions, making it more of a propaganda piece than objective journalistic research.

From the perspective of logic and common sense, it’s important to distinguish constructive criticism based on facts and clear arguments from attempts at chauvinistic manipulation of public opinion. This article focuses more on discrediting personality and probable connections than on objective evaluation of the Ukrainian Defense Ministry’s policies. Including ethnic and personal factors without substantiated evidence deprives it of any analytical weight and largely harms public discussion, creating an atmosphere of xenophobia.

In the context of Euro-Atlantic integration, such manifestations of xenophobia pose a direct threat to Ukraine’s national interests. The NATO Membership Action Plan (NATO Membership Action Plan 1999) contains clear requirements regarding the protection of indigenous peoples’ and national minorities’ rights. Moreover, these information operations violate numerous international norms: UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UN Declaration 2007): Article 2 – prohibition of discrimination, Article 8 – protection from ethnic discrimination propaganda, Article 15 – right to dignity and cultural diversity. Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (Rome Statute 1998), Article 7(1)(h) on persecution of identified groups, Article 25(3)(e) on incitement to discrimination.

Additional concern is raised by these information attacks being synchronized with key moments of strengthening Ukraine’s international position. After Erdogan’s statement at the Crimean Platform and subsequent Turkish support for Syrian opposition against Assad’s regime and Russian forces in December 2024, Russian State media launched a massive campaign with the refrain “Today Syria, tomorrow Crimea.” It was at this moment that anti-Crimean Tatar publications intensified in Ukrainian information space, suggesting possible coordination of actions.

The potential consequences of such information operations extend far beyond the domestic political situation. At the internal level, we observe a systematic attempt to undermine inter-ethnic unity, critical during wartime, discredit Crimean Tatar representatives in state authorities, and, particularly dangerous, demotivate Crimean Tatar youth from participating in state-building. At the international level, this leads to weakening strategic partnership with Turkey, undermining trust from the Islamic world, and compromising Ukraine’s image as a multinational democratic state.

As Arsen Dzhumadilov rightly notes, “Appealing to xenophobic sentiments in society is base. Have questions for the minister? Ask them as questions for a minister. Talk about actions, results, decisions. But not about origin or religion”. This thesis is particularly relevant in the context that modern Ukraine positions itself as a democratic state where professional qualities, not ethnic origin, determine a citizen’s opportunities.

Analysis of the situation’s development shows that we are dealing with a multi-level information operation aimed not only against specific political figures but against the fundamental foundations of Ukrainian statehood. As Crimean Tatar representatives in Ukraine and the USA note, “Our goal is to create a state that accepts and respects all its citizens. Otherwise, we risk following the path of intolerance, which contradicts the very essence of Ukraine and the values we are fighting for. After all, it is inclusivity and respect for diversity that sets us apart from the aggressor.”

In these conditions, developing a comprehensive strategy to counter ethnically motivated information operations becomes critically important. The experience of 2023-2024 shows that traditional mechanisms for protecting indigenous peoples’ and national minorities’ rights prove insufficient in the face of hybrid threats.

Special attention should be paid to the fact that discriminatory narratives are transmitted through respectable media platforms and legitimized by public figures. Indicative in this regard is the evolution of MP Bezuhla’s rhetoric, who, trying to distance herself from accusations of xenophobia, actually worsens the situation: “Of course, this may worsen the perception of Crimean Tatars as managers” – such statements directly contradict the principle of individual responsibility and contribute to collective stereotyping. 

In the context of Euro-Atlantic integration, such trends pose a direct threat to Ukraine’s national interests. NATO’s requirements for protecting the rights of indigenous peoples and national minorities are not merely a formality but a fundamental criterion of state democracy. The inability to effectively counter xenophobic manifestations could become a serious obstacle on the path to Alliance membership.

Equally important is the geopolitical aspect of the problem – attempts to discredit Crimean Tatar politicians through their ethnic affiliation and ties with Turkey play into Russian propaganda, which seeks to present Ukraine as a failed state incapable of protecting the rights of indigenous peoples and national minorities. In conditions where Islamic world support is becoming an increasingly important factor in international politics, such information operations can seriously damage Ukraine’s strategic interests.

To effectively counter these challenges, a comprehensive approach is needed, including strengthening legal mechanisms against discrimination, developing monitoring systems for ethnically motivated information operations, improving society’s media literacy, strengthening inter-ethnic dialogue, and developing rapid response mechanisms to xenophobia manifestations in public space.

The experience of 2023-2024 shows – the more successful Ukraine is in the international arena, the more sophisticated attempts become to undermine its unity from within. This requires constant vigilance and readiness to confront even the subtlest manifestations of xenophobia in public space.

From the perspective of international law and Ukrainian legislation, public statements and media materials containing signs of ethnic discrimination fall under numerous legal norms providing for both administrative and criminal liability.

Analysis of the presented quotes from the ZN.UA (ZN.UA 2024) article and subsequent public statements by MPs reveals violations of the following legal norms. In the context of criminal legislation: Article 161 of Ukraine’s Criminal Code (Criminal Code of Ukraine 2001)  “Violation of citizens’ equality based on their racial, national belonging, religious beliefs, disability and other characteristics” provides for punishment in the form of fines from two hundred to five hundred non-taxable minimum incomes or restriction of freedom for up to five years with deprivation of the right to hold certain positions or engage in certain activities for up to three years. Particularly indicative in this context are statements forming negative ethnic stereotypes: “This is eastern management, and it cannot be different by its nature. They are used to ruling in sultan style” – this formulation directly falls under the definition of inciting national hostility.

International legal responsibility: Violation of Article 4 of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD 1965) , which obligates member states to declare illegal and prohibit organizations that encourage and incite racial discrimination.

Regarding the analyzed publications, the violations are particularly grave because they were committed by MPs and public figures who have significant influence on public opinion. Formulations like “The Ministry of Defense is turning into a ‘Turkish court'” and “the clan is very close to Turkey” directly violate Article 20 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR 1966), which prohibits propaganda of national hatred.

In Ukrainian legislation, there is a direct analogy between protection from antisemitism and protection of other ethnic groups’ rights. The Law of Ukraine “On Prevention and Counteraction to Antisemitism in Ukraine”(Law on Prevention of Antisemitism 2021) creates an important precedent for protecting other ethnic groups from discrimination. Using ethnic stereotypes (“sultan style,” “eastern management”) in public discourse to discredit ethnic group representatives fully corresponds to the definition of discriminatory practice given in this law.Moreover, according to the Venice Commission (Venice Commission 2021), statements that may contribute to creating a hostile or discriminatory atmosphere regarding ethnic groups should be considered a serious violation of democratic norms, especially when they come from elected representatives of the people. In this context, MP Bezuhla’s statements that certain actions “may worsen the perception of Crimean Tatars as managers” constitute a direct violation of the non-discrimination principle.

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Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. 2021. “On Prevention and Counteraction to Antisemitism in Ukraine.” Law No. 1770-IX, September 22, 2021. https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/1770-20

Venice Commission. 2021. “Opinion on the Draft Law on Indigenous Peoples of Ukraine.” Council of Europe, CDL-AD(2021)013. https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL-AD(2021)013-e

Purdue University Host Crimean Tatar Cultural Exhibition

The Crimean Tatars, an indigenous people of Ukraine, have a rich history spanning over seven centuries in the Crimean Peninsula. Their unique culture is a vibrant tapestry woven from Middle Eastern, Central Asian and Mediteranean influences. As skilled diplomats, science and managers the Crimean Tatars played a crucial role in the Black Sea region’s history, creating a distinctive civilization at the crossroads of Europe and Asia.

Despite facing significant challenges, including forced annexation of Crimea in 1783, exile in the mid-20th century and the recent occupation of their homeland in 2014, the Crimean Tatars have preserved their language, traditions, and cultural identity. Their resilience and cultural contributions are recognized by UNESCO, which has included several elements of Crimean Tatar heritage in its List of Intangible Cultural Heritage.

This exhibition offers a rare opportunity to explore the depth and richness of Crimean Tatar culture, from their intricate craftsmanship and vibrant arts to their unique culinary traditions and folkloric practices. By showcasing this often-overlooked facet of Ukraine’s diverse cultural landscape, the exhibition aims to foster greater understanding and appreciation of the Crimean Tatars’ significant role in both Ukrainian and world heritage.

In the context of ongoing global discussions about indigenous rights and cultural preservation, this exhibition serves as a timely reminder of the importance of protecting and celebrating the diversity of human cultural expression.

"Crimea Heritage: The Crimean Tatar People in Masterpieces of Painting” Offers Immersive Experience of Indigenous Culture of Ukraine

WEST LAFAYETTE, Ind., September 26, 2024 — The John Martinson Honors College, in collaboration with the Crimean Tatar Foundation USA, will present an ethnographic exhibition, “CRIMEA HERITAGE: The Crimean Tatar People in Masterpieces of Painting” from September 26-October 3, 2024. This week-long event promises to transport visitors through centuries of Crimean Tatar history and culture.

 

Event Details:

What: “CRIMEA HERITAGE: The Crimean Tatar People in Masterpieces of Painting” – аn Ethnographic Journey
When: September 26 - October 3, 2024
Where: The John Martinson Honors College, 1801 University Street, West Lafayette, IN 47907

The exhibition showcases:

 

• Visual representations inspired by historical paintings 17th-19st century
• UNESCO-recognized intangible Crimean Tatar Cultural Heritage Elements
• Traditional Crimean Tatar Artifacts and Costumes
• Live demonstrations of Music, Dance, and Culinary Arts

 

“This exhibition represents a unique opportunity for the American public to experience the rich cultural tapestry of the indigenous people of Ukraine – Crimean Tatars,” said Presidents of The Crimean Tatar Foundation USA Zera and Zarema Mustafaieva, Ukrainian Scholars at Purdue University. “Our goal is to create a living, breathing showcase of a culture that has been an integral part of Crimea’s history for centuries.”

 

Visitors will have the chance to:

 

• Observe the intricate art of Ornek pattern-making
• Experience the rhythmic “Haytarma” Dance
• Taste traditional Crimean Tatar Coffee and Desserts
• Explore the historical and cultural connections between Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar cultures
• As part of the “Exile” class by Dr. Muiris MacGiollabhuí , Masters Zera and Zarema Mustafaieva will deliver a lecture on “The Genocide and Forced Exile of Crimean Tatars from Crimea.

 

Ukrainian Researchers at Purdue University Zera and Zarema Mustafaieva, curators of the exhibition, added, “We’ve designed this as more than just a visual experience. It’s an immersive journey that engages all the senses, allowing visitors to truly connect with Crimean Tatar Heritage.”

 

The exhibition is part of Purdue University’s ongoing commitment to cultural education and diversity. It aims to foster greater understanding of the Crimean Tatar people, their history, and their contributions to global culture.

 

For more information, high-resolution images, or to schedule an interview, please contact: Zarema Mustafaieva Exhibition Curator, Purdue University zmustafa@purdue.edu +1(917) 721-1220

 

Purdue University: The John Martinson Honors College hosts Crimean Tatar Cultural Exhibition is dedicated to nurturing globally-minded leaders through interdisciplinary academics, research, and community engagement.

 

Crimean Tatar Foundation USA: The Crimean Tatar Foundation USA is a Non-Profit Organization dedicated to preserving and promoting Crimean Tatar cultural heritage in the United States and beyond.

 

Note: All artworks presented are photographic reproductions or artistic interpretations inspired by historical paintings. This exhibition does not claim to display original artworks.

 

• This press release aims to present the exhibition accurately while avoiding potential legal issues related to artwork reproduction. It emphasizes that the displayed items are reproductions or interpretations, not original artworks.

Colonialism in the 21st Century: Systematic Suppression of Crimean Tatars as a Challenge to International Law

Colonial Analysis of Crimean Tatar Persecutions: From Historical Roots to Modern Political Prisoners

Keywords: Crimean Tatars, Indigenous people, Colonial persecutions, Political prisoners, Occupation of Crimea, Postcolonial theory, National-territorial autonomy

Introduction

The persecution of Crimean Tatars, which began with the annexation of the Crimean Khanate by the Russian Empire in 1783 and continues under the Russian occupation of Crimea since 2014, represents a stark example of long-term colonial policy. This study aims to analyze the historical roots and contemporary manifestations of these persecutions, using colonial theory and critical discourse analysis to reveal the underlying mechanisms and consequences of the systematic oppression of the Crimean Tatar people.

Methodology

This study employs a comprehensive qualitative approach, combining critical discourse analysis (Fairclough, 1995; van Dijk, 1993) and phenomenological method. This approach allows not only to identify the factual aspects of events but also to reveal their semantic content in the context of the colonial experience of the Crimean Tatar people. The theoretical foundation of the study is based on works on colonial and postcolonial theory (Said, 1978; Spivak, 2010; Tlostanova, 2015), which help to understand the mechanisms of colonial domination and its modern manifestations.

Historical Context

The ethnogenesis of the Crimean Tatars represents a complex and centuries-long process rooted in the Bronze and Iron Ages of the Crimean Peninsula. Contemporary archaeological and genetic studies convincingly refute the long-dominant historiographical myth about the origin of Crimean Tatars exclusively from the Mongol-Tatar tribes of the Golden Horde who settled on the peninsula in the 13th century (Williams, 2015; Aibabin, 2019).

The formation of the Crimean Tatar people as a consolidated nation reached its culmination in the 13th-15th centuries. However, this was preceded by a long process of ethnocultural integration and assimilation of numerous autochthonous and allochthonous elements. Key components of this ethnogenesis include Taurians, Cimmerians, Scythians, Sarmatians, Alans, Goths, Huns, Khazars, Pechenegs, Kipchaks (Polovtsians), as well as Greek, Italian (Genoese and Venetian), and Slavic elements (Vozgrin, 2013). Recent archaeological data and paleogenetic studies (Naumenko, 2020; Khitrinskaya et al., 2021) confirm the continuity of cultural and genetic succession of the Crimean population from the Bronze Age to the late Middle Ages, serving as irrefutable evidence of the autochthonous nature of Crimean Tatars as the indigenous people of the peninsula.

A crucial stage in the history of Crimean Tatars was the existence of the independent Crimean Khanate from 1441 to 1783. The Crimean Khanate developed its distinctive culture, statehood, and economy. This period of independence laid the foundations for Crimean Tatar national identity and state traditions.

However, in 1783, an event occurred that radically changed the fate of Crimean Tatars – the first annexation of Crimea by the Russian Empire. This marked the beginning of a long period of colonial rule, characterized by systematic attempts to alter the demographic and cultural landscape of Crimea. The Russian Empire pursued a policy of displacing Crimean Tatars from their ancestral lands, encouraging the settlement of Slavic populations on the peninsula. Nevertheless, Crimean Tatars remained the predominant population until 1944.

A brief period of hope for the restoration of national autonomy arose in 1917-1918 when Crimean Tatars created the independent Crimean People’s Republic. This episode, though short-lived, demonstrated the unwavering aspiration of Crimean Tatars for self-determination and statehood. However, with the establishment of Soviet power, these hopes were crushed.

From 1921 to 1945, the Crimean Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic existed within the Russian SFSR. Despite formal autonomy, this period was marked by the strengthening of Soviet power and the suppression of Crimean Tatar identity. The culmination of this repressive policy was the genocide of Crimean Tatars committed by the Soviet authorities. Under the guise of “deportation,” on May 18, 1944, the total expulsion of the Crimean Tatar people to Central Asia and other regions of the USSR was carried out. This action, essentially an ethnic cleansing, led to the death of 46.2% of the entire Crimean Tatar population and the destruction of their cultural and social structure (Williams, 2015).

The formal rehabilitation of Crimean Tatars in 1967 did not lead to significant changes in their situation. De jure rehabilitation was accompanied by de facto continuation of repressive methods against the indigenous people of Crimea. Crimean Tatars were prohibited from returning to their homeland, demonstrating the duality of Soviet policy and unwillingness to restore the rights of the deported people.

Only in the late 1980s and early 1990s, against the backdrop of the USSR’s collapse, did the mass return of Crimean Tatars to their historical homeland begin. This period was marked by a struggle for the restoration of rights and cultural revival. However, the return was accompanied by new difficulties: lack of housing, work, social infrastructure, and often hostile attitudes from local authorities.

A new tragic turn in the history of Crimean Tatars occurred in 2014 with the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation. This event led to a new wave of persecutions and violations of Crimean Tatars’ rights, including arrests of activists, ban on the activities of the Mejlis (the representative body of Crimean Tatars), restrictions on the use of the Crimean Tatar language, and cultural expression.

Thus, the history of Crimean Tatars represents a continuous struggle to preserve their identity, culture, and right to self-determination under constant pressure from imperial and post-imperial regimes. From the first annexation of Crimea by the Russian Empire in 1783 to modern persecutions in Russian-occupied Crimea, a clear line of colonial policy can be traced, aimed at suppressing Crimean Tatar autonomy and assimilating the indigenous population. This historical trajectory explains the roots of modern persecutions and helps to understand why Crimean Tatars continue to face systematic violations of their rights and freedoms in the 21st century.

Understanding this history is critically important for comprehending the modern persecutions of Crimean Tatars by Russia.

Analysis of the Current Situation

Colonial Practices in Occupied Crimea

Since the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in 2014, there has been a sharp escalation of repressions against Crimean Tatars. These persecutions can be viewed as a continuation of centuries-old colonial policy aimed at suppressing Crimean Tatar identity and resistance. Using critical discourse analysis, several key aspects can be identified.

A central element of this policy is the criminalization of Crimean Tatar identity. Russian authorities systematically present manifestations of Crimean Tatar national identity as a security threat, which is expressed in the persecution of Mejlis members, the ban on Crimean Tatar media, and restrictions on the use of their native language (Belitser, 2019). This is accompanied by the active use of “terrorism” and “extremism” discourse as a tool for suppressing dissent and civic activity, creating an image of Crimean Tatars as an “internal enemy” (Bidochko, 2023).

Colonial biopolitics is manifested in the refusal to provide adequate medical care to political prisoners, such as Amet Suleimanov and Yashar Muedinov (Crimean Solidarity, 2024), demonstrating the colonial power’s control over the bodies of the colonized (Foucault, 1980). This practice is part of a broader strategy that includes mass arrests, long prison sentences, forced disappearances, and torture.

Illustrative examples of this policy include the case of Ansar Osmanov, sentenced to 20 years in prison, and Ruslan Suleimanov, a civilian journalist and father of four, sentenced to 14 years. These disproportionately harsh sentences for peaceful activism demonstrate the punitive nature of Russian justice in Crimea and attempts to suppress independent coverage of events.

The use of anti-terrorism legislation has become a key tool for suppressing peaceful dissent. Crimean Tatars are persecuted not for real preparation of a coup, but for public criticism of Russian authorities and expression of disagreement with the 2014 annexation. This tactic, along with long prison terms for activists, leads to the destruction of families and communities, having a destructive impact on the social fabric of Crimean Tatar society.

The persecutions of Crimean Tatars, the indigenous people of Crimea, reflect systematic colonial practices aimed at suppressing resistance and establishing full control over the territory. Since 2014, hundreds of Crimean Tatars have been imprisoned on fabricated charges, reminiscent of repressive methods of the Soviet period. The case of Appaz Kurtamet and the persecution of mothers of political prisoners (Zure Emiruseinova, Zelikha Abkhairova, Emine Abdulganieva) for solitary pickets illustrate the multifaceted nature of these repressions. These actions include the use of the legal system to legitimize persecutions, manipulation of public opinion through accusations of terrorism, collective punishments, suppression of civil society, and gender-targeted repressions. Such policies demonstrate the colonial power’s desire for total control over public space and the destruction of Crimean Tatar social structures. International attention to this problem underscores its global significance and the need to counter these colonial practices.

The situation of Crimean Tatars has parallels with other cases of indigenous peoples’ persecution both in the post-Soviet space and in other regions of the world, highlighting the continuity of colonial practices.

Buryats in Russia, although having formal republic status, face similar problems of losing real influence on political and economic processes in their region. However, unlike Crimean Tatars, they are not under direct military occupation and do not face the same level of political persecution. Inuit in Canada and Greenland have achieved significant political autonomy and control over natural resources, especially in Greenland, which could serve as a certain model for Crimean Tatars, although the geopolitical context differs significantly.

The Sami in Scandinavia and Russia, fighting for land rights and preservation of traditional lifestyles, have a more developed system of legal protection, but their aspirations do not include the same level of political autonomy as Crimean Tatars. Basques in Spain have achieved significant political and economic autonomy, which in some aspects corresponds to the aspirations of Crimean Tatars, but the historical and geopolitical context is substantially different. Sorbs in Germany, while enjoying legislative protection of their cultural rights, do not strive for the degree of political and economic autonomy that is the goal of Crimean Tatars.

These comparisons demonstrate that while many indigenous peoples face similar challenges in preserving culture and language, the situation of Crimean Tatars stands out in its complexity and acuteness. Their struggle for national-territorial autonomy, full participation in all spheres of life in Crimea, and control over resources occurs under conditions of military occupation and systematic political persecution. This makes their case particularly complex and requiring special attention from the international community, as it touches on fundamental issues of self-determination, territorial integrity, and indigenous peoples’ rights in the modern geopolitical context.

Analysis of the Reasons for Ongoing Persecutions

The analysis of the reasons for the ongoing persecutions of Crimean Tatars, the indigenous people of Crimea, reveals a complex system of colonial practices rooted in the 1783 annexation and sharply intensified after the 2014 occupation. The central factor is Russia’s imperial logic, which views Crimea as a strategically important territory and Crimean Tatars as a threat to its control, corresponding to the classical colonial paradigm described by Said (1978). This logic is exacerbated by fear of Crimean Tatar identity, closely tied to Ukraine and the Turkic world, which challenges Russia’s monopoly on the historical narrative of Crimea (Yurchuk, 2021). The policy of assimilation, aimed at eroding the unique cultural and political identity of the indigenous people (Charron, 2019), is combined with a demonstration of force through harsh repressive measures designed to emphasize the incontestability of Russian control. These actions are fueled by colonial paranoia – a constant fear of resistance from the indigenous population, leading to preventive repressions even in the absence of real threat (Bhabha, 1994). Such a comprehensive approach to suppressing Crimean Tatars reflects deeply rooted colonial practices aimed at denying their status as an indigenous people and their legitimate rights to self-determination within their historical homeland.

Theoretical Analysis

Applying Edward Said’s concept of “Orientalism” to the analysis of political persecutions of Crimean Tatars reveals the deep mechanisms by which the Russian state apparatus constructs and maintains a false image of Crimea’s indigenous people as the “Other” and a potential threat. This practice is aimed at undermining the legitimate status of Crimean Tatars as the sole indigenous people of Crimea, who have no other homeland outside the peninsula.

In the context of the current occupation of Crimea, this manifests in several key aspects directly related to political repressions and the creation of an “internal enemy” image. Firstly, there is a deliberate Islamization of the image of Crimean Tatars, where their religious identity is used as a tool for stigmatization. Russian discourse actively exploits global Islamophobic narratives, artificially linking the indigenous people of Crimea with concepts of “Islamic extremism” and “terrorism”. This serves as a powerful tool for justifying repressive measures and mass arrests, when the entire indigenous population is presented as a potential security threat.

Secondly, there is intentional generalization, where all Crimean Tatars, especially political activists and national leaders, are presented as a unified opposition force, ignoring their status as an indigenous people and the diversity of political views within the nation. This allows the occupying authorities to apply collective punishments and persecute entire families and communities, violating the fundamental rights of the indigenous people.

Furthermore, an artificial binary opposition is created between “loyal citizens” and “subversive elements”, where Crimean Tatars asserting their legitimate rights as an indigenous people are automatically assigned to the latter category. This reinforces the false narrative of the necessity for harsh measures to “ensure security” and “maintain order”, ignoring the inherent right of Crimean Tatars to self-determination in their homeland.

It is particularly important to note the use of manipulative terminology in the historical context. The forced expulsion of Crimean Tatars in 1944 is erroneously called a “deportation”, which diminishes the scale of this crime against the indigenous people. It is more accurate to speak of the forced expulsion of the indigenous people from their ancestral land, which emphasizes the severity of the crime committed.

Knowledge is used as an instrument of power: pseudo-scientific research and manipulative media narratives are employed to justify persecutions, creating the appearance of objective grounds for repressive practices. This is particularly evident in court proceedings against Crimean Tatar political prisoners, where expert opinions are often used to support fabricated charges, ignoring the inherent rights of the indigenous people.

The application of these theoretical concepts to the situation of political persecutions of Crimean Tatars allows for a deeper understanding of the mechanisms of modern colonial domination, revealing resistance strategies used by the indigenous people, and exposing how discursive practices form and maintain the repressive system. This analysis is critical for understanding the essence of political persecutions of Crimean Tatars and developing effective strategies to protect the rights of political prisoners and the indigenous people of Crimea as a whole.

It is crucial to emphasize that all other ethnic groups in Crimea, including Russians, Greeks, Belarusians, Jews, and others, are diasporas, while Crimean Tatars are the sole indigenous people of the peninsula. This fundamental difference should be central to any analysis of the situation in Crimea and the rights of the Crimean Tatar people.

Violations of International Law

Crimean Tatars are the sole indigenous people of Crimea, a status confirmed by several international and national legal acts. Their unique status is enshrined in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples¹, which guarantees the right to self-determination and protection from forced assimilation. Ukraine officially recognized Crimean Tatars as an indigenous people in 2014², and in 2021 adopted a special law strengthening their legal status³. This law defines Crimean Tatars as a people formed on the territory of Crimea, possessing a unique language and culture, traditional social, cultural, and political institutions, and considering themselves distinct from other communities. It is important to note that Crimean Tatars do not have a state entity outside of Ukraine, which underscores their inseparable connection with Crimea as their only homeland. Despite this legal recognition, under Russian occupation of Crimea, Crimean Tatars continue to face systematic violations of their rights as an indigenous people⁴.

Future Projections

Possible scenarios for the development of the situation include:

1. Continuation of the status quo, which will lead to increased assimilation pressure and growing international isolation of Russia.
2. Escalation of conflict, potentially leading to mass repressions and the risk of armed resistance.
3. De-escalation and normalization, which may lead to a gradual easing of repressions and the resumption of Crimean Tatar institutions’ activities.
4. Return of Crimea to Ukrainian control and granting national-territorial autonomy to Crimean Tatars:

This scenario implies not just a restoration of the status quo, but a qualitatively new stage in the history of Crimea and the Crimean Tatar people. Granting national-territorial autonomy to Crimean Tatars within Ukraine will have several important consequences:

a) Strengthening Ukraine’s sovereignty: Crimean Tatars, having received autonomy, will become a key factor in maintaining Ukrainian sovereignty on the peninsula. Their deep historical connection to Crimea and commitment to Ukraine’s territorial integrity will make them a natural counterbalance to separatist tendencies.

b) Containment of pro-Russian sentiments: Crimean Tatar institutions and leaders will play an important role in containing and transforming pro-Russian sentiments among part of Crimea’s population. Their presence and active position will help prevent possible attempts to destabilize the situation from outside.

c) Model of interethnic harmony: Successful implementation of Crimean Tatar autonomy can become a model for resolving similar issues in other regions, demonstrating the possibility of harmonious coexistence of different ethnic groups within a single state.

d) Restoration and development: Autonomy will allow Crimean Tatars to more effectively restore their cultural, educational, and economic institutions, contributing to the overall development of Crimea.

e) International recognition: Such a solution will receive broad support from the international community, strengthening Ukraine’s position on the world stage and promoting the country’s integration into European and Euro-Atlantic structures.

f) Overcoming the consequences of occupation: Crimean Tatars, having experience in resisting occupation, will be able to effectively participate in the processes of de-occupation, reintegration, and reconciliation in Crimea.

This scenario emphasizes not only the restoration of historical justice for Crimean Tatars but also their key role in ensuring a stable and pro-Ukrainian future for Crimea. The national-territorial autonomy of Crimean Tatars in this context becomes not just a recognition of their rights as an indigenous people, but a strategic step in strengthening the territorial integrity and national security of Ukraine.

Conclusion

The analysis of the situation with the persecutions of Crimean Tatars through the lens of colonial theory and critical discourse analysis allows us to see the deep mechanisms and long-term strategies of colonial domination. From the annexation of 1783 to the modern occupation, the policy towards Crimean Tatars demonstrates striking continuity, based on the logic of imperial control and suppression of alternative identities.

Modern persecutions are not isolated incidents, but part of a systematic policy aimed at undermining the social, cultural, and political structure of Crimean Tatar society. This policy, however, faces persistent resistance, manifesting in various forms of civil activity and preservation of cultural identity.

Understanding the colonial nature of these persecutions is critically important not only for academic analysis but also for developing effective strategies to counter and protect the rights of the Crimean Tatar people. It also underscores the need for broader international attention to the situation in Crimea and support for efforts to decolonize and restore the rights of the indigenous population.

Historical narratives and modern geopolitical interests deeply influence the perception of and reaction to the conflict around Crimea and the rights of Crimean Tatars. The Russian narrative of “primordially Russian Crimea” contrasts with the Crimean Tatar narrative of centuries-long history on the peninsula, creating a complex picture of competing historical claims.

It is important to emphasize the need to consider the conflict in its full historical context, from the imperial expansion of the 18th century to modern geopolitical tensions. This approach allows for a deeper understanding of the roots of the conflict and the motivations of its participants.

Finally, the situation of Crimean Tatars calls for a deeper understanding and solidarity with oppressed peoples worldwide. It demonstrates how colonial practices can persist and adapt in the modern world, and underscores the need for constant vigilance in protecting the rights of indigenous peoples and ethnic minorities.

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Bhabha, Homi K. «The Location of Culture». London: Routledge, 1994.

Bidochko, Lesia. “Tatar Banderites and Extremists: How Russian Propaganda Discredits Crimean Tatars.” Detector Media, 2023.

Charron, Austin. “Crimean Tatars’ Postcolonial Condition and Strategies of Cultural Decolonization in Mainland Ukraine.” «Euxeinos» 9, no. 28 (2019): 26-47.

Crimean Solidarity. “Civil Journalist Amet Suleimanov Urgently Needs Surgery to Replace a Heart Valve.” August 19, 2024. https://crimean-solidarity.org/news/2024/08/19/grazhdanskomu-zhurnalistu-ametu-sulejmanovu-srochno-trebuetsya-operaciya-po-zamene-serdechnogo-klapana-2991.

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From Tragedy to Strength: Personal Story of Survival and Fight for Home

We are Zera and Zarema. We are representatives of the historical nation of Crimea and the indigenous PEOPLE of Ukraine – Crimean Tatars. We are daughters of our nation, daughters of our country. This is our personal story. The story of our family and the story of our indigenous people of Ukraine and an under-discovered nation who went through oppressions and colonization for centuries  and the historical titular nation of Crimea who was born out of a mixture  of all tribes and people ever inhabited  the peninsula.

ZAREMA:  A couple of weeks ago, we got a call from our grandmother. She’s 87 years old and currently in Crimea. This call influenced our specific understanding of what we wanted to share in that article . Our grandparents, relatives and all our ethnic Ukrainians friends have been living under occupation since 2014. Since the beginning of the occupation, our Grandmother Leviza has never stopped believing that justice will prevail and Ukraine will return to Crimea.

Our grandmother is from a noble aristocratic family of the Karashaysky (Qarashaysky) dynasty – she is a strong-spirited and unwavering woman. We have always seen her as an example of resilience and self-control. She says we represent our nation and should set an example for others

But this time, our grandmother was crying. She confessed to us that she has been looking at the door of her house more often, expecting Russian NKVD to burst in at any moment, as it was in her childhood, put her into deadly wagons for a month without food and water, and take her away from her homeland, as it was in 1944. She said, “Granddaughters, I can’t take it anymore. I want all this to end like a terrible dream.” Our tears flowed because we realized that we cannot make grandma feel peaceful and happy, we cannot erase the bad memories from her heart. We cannot stop what is happening now in occupied Crimea.

Among our roles as activists, human rights defenders, and journalists, we, as daughters of our people and heirs of the noble Karashaysky family, feel the need to share another aspect of our lives. As sisters, we want to share our pain, our wounds, and to reveal our personal experiences and thoughts about the war. Today, in this moment, all we want to convey is our personal history.

It is the story of Crimean Tatar children born in conditions of forced exile, far from their homeland of Crimea. It is the story of sisters who grew up in their homeland in Crimea, who feeling like outsiders in their own land, all because of Russian propaganda. It is the narrative of schoolgirls who were bullied by both classmates and teachers because of their nationality. It is the story of female students who were denied the opportunity to be employed in Crimea simply because of their nationality. It is the saga of daughters whose father was taken by the Russian authorities in Crimea. This is the story of Ukrainian activists who were banned from entering Crimea in 2017. It is the tale of the regular search for a home, the story of losing a home, and the history of the collective trauma ingrained in the DNA of every Crimean Tatar, as we were constantly deprived of the right to live in our homeland.

And all these suffering began centuries ago.  In fact, when Crimea was first annexed in 1783. At that time, 98% of the local population in Crimea were Crimean Tatar People. One hundred of thousands of those who actively opposed the annexation were killed, religious rights were seized, many schools were closed, property was confiscated, archives were burned and culture was subjected to genocide.

On our mother’s line Zera and I descended Murz  Karashaysky. Crimean Tatar Murza is a title equal to the prince/princess. This is the dynasty that had influence on the state administration of the Crimean state. Our aristocratic ancestors who had lands and rich possessions in Crimea lost everything because of the Russian empress. She decided to launch a geopolitical project in Crimea. Named Tavrida, based on imperial splendor, she started by labeling us barbarians,  gradually erasing our history, culture and our heritage, all that reminded about Crimean Tatars.

ZAREMA: However, in May 1944, our people were faced with even more difficult days. The Soviet Union, led by dictator Joseph Stalin and his inner circle, committed genocide. He ordered the forced expulsion of the entire Crimean Tatar nation in just two days. While our grandparents Umer and Ridván fought against Nazism, all our defenseless women, children, and elderly were loaded onto cattle transport and transported to Central Asian countries. Our grandmother Levise was 7 years old when Soviet law enforcement broke into her house in the village of Baidary at 5 am on May 18, 1944. This village is now called Uglovoye. In connection with the forced expulsion, her mother, brothers, and sisters were given only 15 minutes to gather without any explanation.

Our relatives were gathered from all over Crimea, assembled at railway stations, loaded like animals into cattle cars, and taken to Uzbekistan on a deadly journey that lasted almost a month. People died from suffocation, lack of food and water, and the bodies of the dead were simply thrown onto the road. Stalin’s real goal was to erase all indigenous national identities throughout the Soviet Union. His twisted ambition was to create a unified Soviet people devoid of uniqueness, united by the Russian language, distorted historical data, and propaganda.

ZERA: Another inhuman and utopian ideology that claimed the lives of many settlers was the imprisonment of millions of people. One of the imprisoned dissidents was leader, Mustafa Cemilev. When the deportation took place, he was only one year old. He experienced all the difficulties alongside his people, and his greatest dream, like the dreams of thousands of other Crimean Tatar dissidents, was to return home. Because of this dream, he spent 15 years in Soviet prisons and camps, surviving 303 days of hunger strikes. All this because we wanted to return home. In exile, the Crimean Tatar people were not allowed to leave their places of exile; our relatives lived in concentration camps – special barracks without humane conditions, where they simply died of disease. As a result of the deportation, every second Crimean Tatar died.

ZAREMA:  Our’s grandfather’s Mom and little brother was killed by injections in the hospital in one day. Our grandfather managed to escape this lethal injection; he fled when he saw his family being taken from the medical room one by one, covered with sheets. So he was left alone. And for the rest of his life, he didn’t trust the medical staff even in Crimea. This genocide killed 46.3% of the population. 

Crimean Tatar People were not allowed to leave their places of exile until Stalin’s sudden death. 

While all deportation’s peoples were returning to their homelands , only the Crimean Tatar People were not allowed to do this. The Soviet regime tried to forcibly assimilate them, dissolve them,  but the Crimean Tatar People are like that flower that grows through a rock. We are still alive and we have survived. 

ZERA: When the Soviet Union collapsed, the Crimean Tatar people began returning to their homeland, and our family came back to Crimea with three children and grandparents. It was a difficult time for entire people in the 90s in Crimea; other people lived in our grandparents’ homes, and the local population greeted us unfriendly. As 5-year-old kids, we lived in tents for 3-4 months because the local population did not rent apartments to Crimean Tatar people and didn’t want to employ them, hoping that indigenous people would leave the homeland due to the lack of conditions. Each of us had to go through 7 circles of hell.

ZAREMA: One day, our grandfather said he wanted to show us his village and the house where he was born and grew up in Bakhchisarai. When we got to the house, our grandfather stood in front of the family door for a long time, as if memories overwhelmed him. He was very upset and knocked on the familiar door. After 45 years, the new owners turned out to be his neighbors, who immediately recognized him. But they started shouting at him to leave; we all were confused. He stepped away from us so we wouldn’t see his pain, and there, on the side, we saw tears streaming down his cheeks. It was hard for us to see him like that. When Zera and I came up to him to hug him, he said that a few minutes in his yard have brought him a breath of air from memories of a happy his childhood when everyone was alive. He placed his palms on our hearts and said that there is a light within each of us, and we must hold onto this light in every difficult moment, because this light guides our path.

Father and Grandfather built a house on a small plot of land they purchased in a village far away from Bakhchisarai. We remember as soon as we moved into the house and woke up the next morning, our mother called us outside and said: “Girls, welcome the first Crimean snow.” We remember this moment as if it were yesterday.

ZERA: One day our brother came home from school  with a torn jacket. When our mother asked what happened, our brother ran away without saying a word. A week later, we learned that during class the class teacher grabbed him by the collar to punish him for speaking Crimean Tatar in class. He was in 4th grade. This attitude towards the Crimean Tatars was general ksenofob position in the homeland. 

My sister and I enrolled to universities back home in Simferopol. During this period, the Orange Revolution began – Crimean Tatars supported Yushchenko because he promised in his election campaigns that he would restore all rights to the Crimean Tatars. 15   I was one Crimean Tatar in my group, it was obvious that I was not for Yanukovych. And because of my Pro-Ukrainian side all professors of the university were lowed my grades and then I decided to transfer to the University of Kiev, so as not to feel bullied to myself. I moved to Kiev and I started learning and building my life there.

ZAREMA: My university was more loyal to my choice of president, but when I decided to get an internship, the head of the bank in my face told me that according to the rules of the company can not hire people of Crimean Tatar nationality. At the family council it was decided to follow my sister to Kiev.

And we could have had more joyful moments and happiness to share with you if not for another tragedy, the tragedy of the 2014 occupation. Yet another Moscow dictator decided to launch his own geopolitical project in Crimea based on Russian military grandeur. He turned my homeland into a prison, an open-air prison, where anyone who dared to publicly say that Crimea is Ukraine could be imprisoned for at least 15-20 years on terrorism charges. Because of this repressive reality, many thousands of Crimean Tatars and Ukrainians started to flee the peninsula. For example, our friend’s son received a 7-year sentence for sending $14 to a card for a friend who served in the Ukrainian battalion Noman Celebidzhikhan. His name is Appaz, and he is the youngest prisoner there.

ZERA: Because of this repressive reality, ethnic Ukrainians and Crimean Tatars are facing danger. Threats, harassments, imprisonments, disappearances, and torture are forcing the indigenous people to leave their homeland. This situation mirrors what happened in Imperial and Soviet times, and now under the Russian Federation. The first victim of the 2014 occupation was a 33-year-old man named Reshat Ametov, a Crimean Tatar and father of three. He protested alone in Simferopol’s Central Square, supporting Ukraine. He was arrested and taken somewhere unknown. Two weeks later, we found him dead and mutilated.

ZAREMA: At that moment, my sister and I realized our loved ones were in danger. Our father had worked at a school for over 25 years, but everything changed when the Russian world came to Crimea. The new government and the new pro-Russian director started imposing their laws and oppressing those who supported Ukraine at the school. It was harsh psychological pressure. The work environment where he had worked for 25 years became hostile. Stressful situations at the school happened one after another. We begged him to go to Kiev, but he believed that Ukraine would return to Crimea tomorrow, and we would all be free again.

ZERA: After his death, about 2,000 students came to say goodbye to him. For seven years, our father’s disciples have been coming to our house for his birthday. They tell our mom funny stories about Dad, how pupils loved him and respected him. Yeah. We were broken up wanted to screaming our pain. We miss him every day, and we are sad that he will not see his grandchildren, a liberated Crimea, or justice for the Crimean Tatars.

ZAREMA: We, as daughters of our people, have learned not to give in to fear and sadness. Our belief in justice drives us. We continue to fight propaganda and disinformation, sharing the truth about the Crimean Tatars. To do this, we have created a YouTube channel where we share information about the life of our people in Crimea and document Russia’s violations. 21   We actively participate in various platforms. It is for these actions that we have been blacklisted by Russia. We know that if we try to enter Crimea, we’ll be imprisoned, like other activists (Lenie Umerova, Appaz Kurtametov, Edem Bekirov etc.)

ZERA: When Russia started a full-scale war in Ukraine, we started receiving death threats from unknown persons. In the first week of the war we sat in an unfamiliar basement, afraid to go outside. Butcha was happening nearby. We were full of fear, and at that moment panic attacks began. It was impossible to leave Kiev. Stations were crowded with women and children. The roads were full of traffic. Petrol was already in short supply. When we finally got out of the basement, we saw tanks passing through the windows and we heard the separatists marking houses for rocket attacks. This moment will be remembered forever.

ZAREAMA: This is the sound of danger, the sound of death, the sound of uncertainty, the sound of alarm. When we hear this sound, it means that Russia is launching its missiles or drones at our peaceful cities. When this dreadful sound echoes in the middle of the night, it’s a loud reminder that you could lose your life, your loved ones, or your home. Yes, we were really scared when the invasion began. At first, panic set in for each of us, but we didn’t allow this fear to paralyze us, and the whole nation, armed forces, volunteers, journalists, everyone, 24/7 defended our country. In the early days of the war, we, as marketers and IT specialists, organized a group on Telegram where we removed online tags in Google maps placed by Russian IT specialists on civilian objects throughout Ukraine.

We also said goodbye to life when a missile was flying towards us, which our air defense forces shot down. All this happened in front of our eyes, and we had no idea if we would survive. Bucha, Kherson, Irpin, and other worthy cities of Ukraine, the city of Mariupol became a death trap for thousands of Ukrainians. Mass graves, abductions, torture, filtration camps, rapes, and death – this is what we went through during 2 years of horrible war, but we survived. We turned our pain into our strength, our trauma into our resistance, our grief into determination to fight for our home. If you’ve ever seen a sunbeam break through the clouds on a rainy day, you’ve seen the image of our country, Ukraine, not as a victim, but as a nation breaking through with dignity. Our collective and my personal trauma with Zera has taught us one thing.

ZERA: Home is more than just a spot on the map; it’s a place where our hearts feel calm and our dreams come alive. It’s where we keep our memories safe and our future bright. Home is our stronghold, where we protect what we love. It’s full of hope, love, and precious memories. 

JUSTICE AND PEACE

At the core of our hearts lies an unwavering commitment to justice and a vision for a peaceful future for our beloved people – the Crimean Tatars. As daughters of a resilient nation, our souls are inextricably linked with the destiny of our people. From the very first days of our lives, we have witnessed and shared the peaceful struggle of those who, for half a century, endured exile and injustice, while striving to return to their homeland in Crimea.

Our hearts burn with a burning desire to see the entire Crimean Tatar People regain their rightful place in the historical land they call home and regain the fundamental rights that were unjustly taken from them. It is the reason that lives deep within us, the unquenchable fire that fuels our every action.

Join us on this remarkable journey, where the pursuit of justice and the dream of peaceful coexistence form the bedrock of our efforts. Together, we can make a difference. Together, we can write a brighter future for the Crimean Tatar People and all those who yearn for a world where justice and peace prevail.

Zera Mustafaieva Postdoctoral Scholar at Purdue University

Zera Mustafaieva

Zera Mustafaieva is a distinguished advocate for indigenous rights and an expert in cultural diplomacy. Having earned a Master’s degree in Engineering, she continued her academic journey as a postdoctoral researcher at a prestigious international American university. Her multilingualism, including fluency in English, Russian, Ukrainian, and Crimean Tatar, serves as a bridge between diverse cultures and communities.

As the president of the “Crimean Tatar Foundation USA” and the organization “Space of Crimea,” Zera works tirelessly to promote and protect the rights of the Crimean Tatar people. Her activities range from organizing large-scale cultural events in Manhattan to curating art exhibitions at Purdue University, each serving as a platform for intercultural dialogue and understanding.

Zera is also the founder of the popular YouTube channel “Crimea Speaks,” where she harnesses the power of modern media to disseminate information about Crimean Tatar culture and history. Her academic research in geopolitics, history, and political sciences contributes significantly to understanding complex issues related to indigenous peoples.

Utilizing her skills in big data analysis and proficiency in modern research methods, Zera conducts in-depth studies, often presenting her findings in lectures and presentations worldwide. Her work is closely aligned with UN global goals, particularly in the areas of combating inequality, ensuring quality education, eradicating poverty, and advancing feminism.

Among Zera’s notable achievements are the creation of a Crimean Tatar historical heritage exhibition, active participation in international festivals, and human rights advocacy at the international level. She regularly meets with congressmen from various U.S. states, serving as a voice for her people and advocating for their interests at the highest levels.

Zera Mustafaieva embodies a combination of deep academic knowledge, practical experience, and passionate dedication to human rights. Her work not only contributes to preserving and promoting Crimean Tatar culture but also makes a significant contribution to the global dialogue on indigenous rights and cultural diversity.

Zarema Mustafaieva Postdoctoral Scholar at Purdue University

Zarema Mustafaieva is the communication chair at the Crimean Tatar Foundation USA and a researcher at Purdue University’s Brian Lamb School of Communication, as well as an advocate for indigenous rights, with a particular focus on the Crimean Tatar people. Holding a Master’s degree in Business Administration, she combines academic rigor with passionate activism.

As a researcher, Zarema has conducted extensive studies in the United States, employing both qualitative and quantitative methods. Her research includes in-depth interviews with American citizens and sophisticated content analysis, providing valuable insights into public perceptions and media representation of Crimean Tatars and the situation in occupied Crimea.

Zarema’s advocacy extends beyond academia. She regularly organizes and leads educational events across the United States in support of Crimean Tatars and Ukrainians, drawing attention to their plight. Her diplomatic efforts include meetings with U.S. congressmen, where she provides crucial briefings on the situation of Crimean Tatars, the indigenous people of Ukraine, in occupied Crimea.

As an educator and cultural ambassador, Zarema delivers lectures at various American universities, sharing her expertise on Crimean Tatar history, culture, and current challenges. She has curated several exhibitions in U.S. galleries, showcasing Crimean Tatar art and heritage, thus fostering greater understanding and awareness among the American public.

Zarema’s work aligns closely with several UN Sustainable Development Goals, particularly those related to reduced inequalities, peace, justice, and strong institutions. Her research and advocacy provide valuable contributions to international discussions on indigenous rights, conflict resolution, and cultural preservation.

Through her multifaceted approach combining academic research, political advocacy, and cultural education, Zarema Mustafaieva continues to be a powerful voice for the Crimean Tatar people on the international stage, working tirelessly to ensure their rights and heritage are recognized and protected.