Crimean Tatar Advocates Build Congressional Alliance Following Chicago Consulate Meeting

October 19, 2025

CHICAGO — During a strategic meeting at Ukraine’s Consulate General, leaders of the Crimean Tatar Foundation USA presented an initiative to raise awareness in American political and public discourse about the genocide of Ukraine’s indigenous people, Crimean Tatars as the autochthonous nation of Crimea, under Russian occupation and the strategic importance of returning all occupied territories to Ukraine. The necessity of such work was confirmed by the results of the foundation’s recent delegation to Congress, which identified a significant gap: in the current narrative about the war in Ukraine on Capitol Hill, Crimea and the Crimean Tatar context are almost completely absent.

Serhiy Koledov, Consul General of Ukraine in Chicago, with Crimean Tatar Foundation USA presidents Zera and Zarema Mustafaeva during their November 5 meeting at the consulate.

Zera Mustafaieva, the Crimean Tatar Foundation’s president, and Zarema Mustafaieva, vice president, met with Consul General Serhiy Koledov on November 5 to discuss strategic partnership in protecting the rights and freedoms of Crimean Tatars and coordinating joint efforts toward the de-occupation of the Crimean Peninsula.

The message from the leaders of the only U.S.-based organization focused on Crimean Tatar and Ukrainian issues. American lawmakers remain largely unaware that Ukraine’s indigenous Crimean Tatar people faces what human rights advocates characterize as ongoing (since 2014) genocide under Russian occupation.

“There is a complete absence of awareness about Ukraine’s indigenous people in the context of the war,” the CTF USA noted, describing the communications gap identified during their Capitol Hill work following a series of meetings with congressmembers and their representatives in Washington D.C. The consulate meeting aimed to coordinate messaging between Ukrainian diplomatic channels and expert education to address this critical gap.

Both parties agreed to coordinate advocacy efforts directed at U.S. Congress members, Illinois state legislators, and other authorities within the consular district to advance recognition of the Russian Federation’s criminal actions against the Crimean Tatar nation as genocide. Such recognition would carry significant legal and diplomatic weight, opening pathways for more decisive action by the international community.

The parties also agreed to develop a draft Memorandum of Understanding to formalize cooperation in the spheres of human rights advocacy, cultural and academic diplomacy. The document will serve as a foundation for systematic work toward holding the Russian Federation internationally accountable.

The strategic approach of the Crimean Tatar Foundation’s president and vice president, moving from congressional meetings to diplomatic coordination, reflects a sophisticated understanding of how policy change occurs in Washington D.C. By aligning their expert educational work with official Ukrainian diplomatic channels, they seek to incorporate the rights of the indigenous Crimean Tatar nation into the broader narrative of the war in Ukraine.

Purdue University researcher Zera Mustafaieva emphasizes that the foundation’s work is built on providing scientifically grounded information and expert assessments to policymakers and the public, filling a critical gap in understanding the historical and contemporary situation of Crimean Tatars.

History repeats itself as the absence of Crimean Tatar state institutions once again leaves the nation defenseless against policies of destruction. The 2014 Russian occupation reproduced the historical pattern of destroying the Crimean Tatar national group as such. In 2016, the Russian Federation liquidated the Mejlis, declaring it an alleged "extremist organization," repeating the actions of 1783 and 1918. This illegal decision deprived Crimean Tatars of their legitimate representative body and once again placed Ukraine's indigenous people in conditions of total defenselessness against state terror.Citation from the NGO "Crimean Solidarity" 

Since 2014, under Russian occupation, Crimean Tatars have been subjected to systematic persecution that human rights organizations qualify as ongoing genocide. Disappearances, torture, fabricated criminal cases on terrorism and extremism charges, closure of Crimean Tatar schools and media, seizure of religious institutions and cultural monuments have become daily reality. History repeats itself as the systematic destruction of Crimean Tatar institutions once again leaves the nation defenseless against policies of genocide.

The foundation expressed sincere gratitude to Consul General Serhiy Koledov for the open, constructive dialogue and consistent support of Ukraine’s indigenous people in their struggle for the return of Crimea and all occupied territories.

Genocide Cloaked as Repression: The New Wave Targeting Crimean Tatar Women

October 19, 2025

BAKHCHYSARAI, CRIMEA — Even before dawn, the silence of several Crimean villages was shattered by heavy pounding on doors and the rumble of armored vehicles. In the Bakhchysarai and Sevastopol districts, Russian security forces conducted another systematic coordinated search of Crimean Tatar homes. This time, four Crimean Tatar women — wives, daughters, and students — were accused under Article 205.5 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation.

Nasiba Said, Fevziye Osman, Elviza Ali, Esma Nimetulla

Russian occupation have reached a historic high, creating unprecedented risks and suffering for Crimean Tatar women and girls.

These arrests violate specific provisions of international law. Under Article 27 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, “Women shall be especially protected against any attack on their honour.” The deployment of armed forces against unarmed women in their homes constitutes what international legal experts classify as a grave breach—a war crime. Article 49 prohibits forcible transfers of protected persons, while Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights explicitly bans torture and inhuman treatment. Legal scholars note that threatening to separate mothers from children constitutes psychological torture under established European Court of Human Rights precedent.

The detentions were carried out without observing procedural norms: the detainees were not provided access to lawyers, their mobile phones were confiscated, the searches were conducted in the presence of (hired) witnesses without verified backgrounds, and minor children were subjected to psychological violence, becoming witnesses to armed violence in their own homes.

The international community, including Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the European Court of Human Rights, and the UN Human Rights Commission, consistently condemns the persecution of Crimean Tatars in occupied Crimea as a systematic violation of fundamental rights and freedoms. The European Parliament has repeatedly adopted resolutions demanding the release of all Crimean Tatar prisoners of conscience, recognizing these cases as fabricated.

Targeted Destruction of a Nation Through the Breakdown of Families

Since 2014, following the occupation of Crimea, more than 260 Crimean Tatars – the indigenous people of Ukraine and the autochthonous nation of Crimea – have been convicted on fabricated terrorism charges. Fathers, sons, brothers – all prisoners of conscience – are. They are sentenced to draconian terms ranging from 12 to 20 years of imprisonment and sent to serve their sentences thousands of kilometers away from their families, in strict regime colonies on the territory of Russia, up to 5,000 kilometers from Crimea.

The numbers reveal a deliberate pattern. Crimean Tatars constitute approximately 12-15% of Crimea’s population but account for 85% of political prisoners—a disproportionality that human rights organizations describe as systematic targeting. The average distance from Crimea to these prisons is 2,800 kilometers. A single family visit costs between $800 and $1,200, while the average Crimean Tatar family earns roughly $400 per month. The mathematics of separation is the most families cannot afford to maintain contact with imprisoned loved ones.

This practice deliberately separates children from their parents, making visits physically and financially impossible for families. Children grow up without fathers, unable to embrace them, hear their voices in person, or receive parental support during critical moments of growing up.

Now the authorities have come for the mothers.

According to Article 2(e) of the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, genocide includes “forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.” When Crimean Tatar children are deprived of both parents.

“This is not simply repression,” explained researcher Zarema Mustafaieva of Purdue University, author of “From Historical Erasure to Digital Weaponization: The Crimean Tatar Factor in Hybrid Information Warfare”. “What we’re witnessing in Crimea is a continuation of Soviet-era genocidal practices with updated methods. In 1921-23 they used starvation, in 1944, they used cattle cars and concentration camp. From 2014-2025, they use prisons and fabricated terrorism charges. The goal remains identical: eliminate the autochthonous Crimean Tatar presence from their homeland.”

At least five Crimean Tatar children now have both parents imprisoned – orphaned while their parents remain alive. Esma Nimetullaeva’s five children represent the human cost of this systematic policy. Their father has been imprisoned for years; their mother was arrested October 15. Who will help with homework? Who will attend parent-teacher conferences? Who will comfort them when they wake from nightmares?

Women — Guardians of the Nation

Throughout three historical Russian regimes – from the illegal occupation of the Crimean Khanate in 1783, the second illegal occupation of the Crimean Tatar National Republic in 1918, and the third occupation of Crimea since 2014 – it has been Crimean Tatar women who have carried on their shoulders the unbearable burden of preserving the nation.

During the AçlikQirim genocide of 1921-23, the Holodomor in Crimea in 1932-33, during the terror against Crimean Tatar intelligentsia in 1938, and during the Sürgün genocide of 1944, when the entire Crimean Tatar nation was forcibly expulsion hundreds of thousands of kilometers away in cattle cars, where 46.2 percent of Crimean nation was murdered. It was the women who buried children along the railroad tracks, breastfed the infants of mothers who had died, and sustained life in conditions designed for extermination (concentration camps).

When Crimean Tatars were forbidden to return to their homeland, Crimean Tatar women secretly taught children their native language, transmitted cultural traditions, cooked national dishes, sang lullabies in Crimean Tatar, preserving what the Soviet authorities tried to erase from history.

After returning to Crimea in the 1990s, when the nation was restoring its presence on its native Crimean land, literally building homes with their own hands on empty plots without electricity or water, women once again became the foundation of revival: they created schools, cultural centers, and community organizations. The main goal of Crimean Tatar families was to send their children to universities to make children’s life better than they had.

Now, under the new illegal occupation of Crimea, when men are mass-arrested and sent to distant colonies, women bear an unbearable burden. Crimean Tatar women single-handedly raise children, provide for families, fight for the release of husbands and sons, preserve cultural identity under pressure of assimilation, and simultaneously become the voice of their nation before the international community.

By arresting these women, the occupying authorities are attacking the very heart of Crimean Tatar nation – those who preserve the language, traditions, faith, and hope. This is not coincidence, this is Russian strategy – to break the last pillar of the nation, to deprive children not only of fathers but also of mothers, to destroy the very fabric of Crimean Tatars.

Four Lives Interrupted at Dawn

Among those detained was Esma Nimetullaeva – a mother of five children and the wife of prisoner of conscience Remzi Nimetullaev. Early in the morning, masked FSB officers loudly burst into her home, brutally frightening the children and seizing phones and even books. Esma has been raising five children alone for several years, fighting for her husband’s release and supporting other families of prisoners of conscience. Now her children are left without both parents.

“Last night we spent the whole evening calming little Alime,” shared Selime, Esma’s sister, her voice breaking. “She kept asking: ‘When will mama come back? Did they take her away like they took papa?'”

The question haunts the household. Five children—their father imprisoned thousands of kilometers away for years, their mother now arrested—wake each morning to a reality no child should face. There is no one to help with homework, no one to wipe away tears, no one to tuck them in at night.

In the neighboring village of Kholmovka, they came for Nasiba Saidova, a 19-year-old nursery school teacher and pedagogical college student who had recently married.

Nasiba Saidova’s husband, Nazim Saidov

“The mothers couldn’t stop praising the new nursery group teacher, the children ran to kindergarten with joy every morning and didn’t want to leave. Nobody can believe she’s now behind bars.” – wrote activist and human rights defender Mumine Salieva on her social media.

In the village of Dolinnoye, a search was conducted at the home of Elviza Alieva, one of the top seven candidates for the master’s program at Crimean Federal University in Management.

“My Elviza was among the top seven candidates for the master’s program at CFU in Management,” her mother Elvira khanym recounted with both pride and pain.

Academic excellence, it seems, offers no protection. Elviza’s crime was not poor grades or violent acts – it was being Crimean Tatar while achieving success in occupied Crimea.

The fourth search took place in the village of Orlovka in the Sevastopol district, at the home of schoolgirl Fevzie Osmanova. Elyanora khanym showed the FSB officers the school certificate, pointing out that she is still a child.

Russian authorities were unmoved. Even childhood provides no sanctuary from this systematic persecution.

“Terrorism” Without Evidence

According to human right defender and lawyer Emil Kurbedinov, all four women face the same absurd charge: “organizing the activities of a terrorist organization.”

No weapons, explosives, prohibited materials, or plans to seize power were found during the searches. Instead, according to relatives, FSB officers “discovered” religious books, children’s textbooks, and personal gadgets.

“As I understand it, the FSB will petition specifically for all the women to be placed in pretrial detention,” Kurbedinov explained. “These cases are not justice – they are instruments of intimidation.”

Heavily armed forces stormed the homes of Crimean Tatar women who possessed no weapons, no ammunition, no plans to seize power – women who simply used their phones, read books on pedagogy and management, and told children stories about the prophets.

The Night Before Arrest

Just a few hours before arrest od Esma, she wrote to a friend the evening of October 14, asking about the health of an elderly woman who had been hospitalized with a stroke.

“What can I do? How can I help?” she wrote to her friend.

A few hours later, armed men burst into the home of this noble woman who had been thinking about how to help people.

“They did not even let her pray. <..> They told me: “You stay with grandchildren as grandmother, you can arrange guardianship for yourself”. They said that if there is no guardian, the state will be able to take children away. I answered that I would not give the children to anyone. Since they took their father [prisoner of coincidence Remzi Nimetulaev], I take care of my granddaughters myself. <..> [Then] I say: “Why are you doing that? While their parents are alive, you make children orphans. What did they [parents] do wrong? They practice their religion. What right do you have to treat us like this?”. In response, everyone remained silent, no one said a word”, - Aliye Bekirova said and added that she had felt bad after words about guardianship.
Citation from the NGO "Crimean Solidarity" 

Systematic Policy of Destruction

Such illegal operations have become routine in Crimea: systematic coordinated nighttime violent break-ins into Crimean Tatar family homes, planting of evidence, denial of access to lawyers, and propaganda videos labeling teachers and students as “terrorists.”

As journalist and human rights defender Mumine Saliyeva noted: “Statistically, there is now one prisoner of conscience for every thousand Crimean Tatars – more than two hundred sixty prisoners of conscience.”

The escalation is measurable. Russia is systematically expanding its targeting to include women, striking at the heart of family structures.
“When you imprison fathers, children lose guidance. When you imprison mothers, children lose their anchor,” explained Dr. Mbah. “This is deliberate. This is how you break not just individuals, but entire nations.”

In a healthy state, the police and law enforcement agencies to be guardians of the law, ensuring justice for every citizen. But what we witness in the footage of FSB operations in Crimea shatters these fundamental principles. Night raids, doors kicked down, blatant denial of legal counsel, and a blatant disregard for humanitarian norms and the rights of minor children – these have become horrifyingly commonplace. When so-called ‘witnesses’ with no verifiable background are involved in planting ‘evidence,’ and detainees, including educators and students, are publicly branded ‘women terrorists’ in press releases without proper procedural status, common sense is outraged. No rational individual could possibly deem such actions lawful,” wrote Mumine Saliyeva on her Facebook page.

Faith and Resilience

As night fell, the families of the detained lit candles and read prayers.

Homes where children’s laughter echoed just yesterday—gardens, gates, pomegranate trees, apple trees, morning birdsong, waves lapping at the shore—now stand empty.

But faith remains.

“Faith in the Almighty, His care, beautiful patience, our love, prayers and support are with them—because these things exist beyond bars and distances,” said a local imam of Crimea. “This is what makes you free, wherever you may be.”

For Crimean Tatars, these illegal arrests are not just another injustice, where under occupation kindness and compassion can be declared crimes, but also a signal that the nation has endured many times before.

But fear has not divided the people – on the contrary, it has brought them closer.

“We are united. Our empathy and passion consolidate us even more. No propaganda or lies will turn people against each other. Attempts to instill fear in the nation and distance it from prisoners of conscience, as well as their families and relatives, have not succeeded in this repressive laboratory.”

“Faith in the Almighty, beautiful patience, love, prayers and support remain with us – because these exist beyond bars and distances. This is what makes you free, wherever you may be,” wrote the civic organization Crimean Solidarity on its Facebook page.

The history of Crimean Tatars is a history of the incredible resilience of women who, through centuries of oppression, discrimination, repression and persecution, have preserved their nation and heritage. And this resilience is not broken. Even in the darkest night.

What Must Be Done

The choice is simple: act now, or watch another genocide unfold in real time.

Ukrainian Governments need to move fast.


Sanction the FSB officers who broke down these doors at dawn. Name them. Freeze their assets. Make it personal. File emergency petitions with the European Court of Human Rights. And join Canada, Lithuania, Latvia, and Poland in calling this what it is: genocide. Not “concerning developments.” Not “human rights violations.” Genocide.

International organizations need to stop issuing statements and start taking action.
The UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples should be demanding immediate access to Crimea. This is exactly what the mandate exists for – documenting genocide against indigenous populations. Francisco Cali Tzay needs to be raising this at every UN session, not filing reports that disappear into the bureaucracy. The UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues should dedicate an emergency session to the systematic persecution of Crimean Tatars – the indigenous, autochthonous, state-forming nation of Crimea and Ukraine. Russia is attempting to eliminate an entire indigenous people from their ancestral homeland. If the UN’s indigenous rights mechanisms don’t act now, what are they for?

The European Parliament should pass an emergency resolution recognizing what this is: genocide against an indigenous nation. Not “human rights concerns.”

Not “persecution of minorities.” Genocide of the Crimean Tatar people—the indigenous people of Ukraine and autochthonous nation of Crimea. The European Parliament should pass an emergency resolution with teeth, not another toothless condemnation that Russia will ignore. And the International Criminal Court needs to move faster on its Crimea investigation. These women don’t have years to wait.

To journalists: tell their stories. Esma isn’t a statistic – she’s a mother of five who was thinking about how to help others the night before armed men burst through her door. Nasiba isn’t a case number – she’s the kindergarten teacher whose students ran to greet her every morning. These women deserve the same in-depth profiles, the same front-page coverage, the same international attention that ukrainian activists/journalists/political prisoners etc. receive. And while you’re at it, ask why they don’t get that coverage. The double standard is the story.

Don’t just report the arrests. Follow what happens next. Show up at the trials. Interview the families. Track where these women end up – usually thousands of kilometers away in colonies where their families can’t afford to visit. Explain to readers why this matters beyond Crimea. If Russia succeeds in eliminating an indigenous people of Ukraine through fabricated terrorism charges, that playbook gets used elsewhere.

If you’re reading this, you can do something today.

Share these names on social media. Write to your elected representatives and ask what they’re doing about Esma, Nasiba, Elviza, and Fevzie. If you can, donate to the Crimean Tatar Foundation USA, the Crimean Tatar Resource Center or to legal defense funds. Talk to people about this. Most have no idea it’s happening. Your aunt, your coworker, your neighbor – they’re scrolling past celebrity gossip while mothers are being torn from their children in predawn raids.

Yes, documentation matters. Every name is being recorded. Every FSB officer identified. Every prosecutor noted. There are precedents – Nuremberg didn’t happen overnight, but it happened. The Yugoslav tribunal took years, but war criminals ended up in The Hague. ICC warrants are out for Russian officials right now.

But here’s the thing about justice – it’s cold comfort to a five-year-old asking when mama is coming home. It doesn’t help the kindergarten kids who lost their favorite teacher. It won’t give back the years to a young woman imprisoned for the crime of being Crimean Tatar.

The world is watching. We’ve always been watching. We watched Rwanda. We watched Srebrenica. We watched the Rohingya. We watch, we document, we promise “never again,” and then we watch some more.

The question isn’t whether the world is watching. It’s whether anyone with power gives enough of a damn to actually do something about it.

Related Reading

Documented Incitement to Genocide

Systematic dissemination of information through Russian state social media platforms has been documented, particularly through Telegram channels “SMERSH Sevastopol” and “Crimean SMERSH” under the leadership of Alexander Talipov, state advisor to the head of the Crimean occupation administration. These platforms spread direct calls for genocide against Crimean Tatars, including threats of physical extermination and forced expulsion from their ancestral land, referencing a repetition of the 1944 “Sürgün” genocide.

Photo from Internet

Ukraine must declare before the world: on the territory of the Crimean Peninsula exists a self-determined Crimean Tatar nation who is experiencing genocide under Russian occupation.

Silence is Complicity: Genocide in Crimea and the World’s Responsibility

September 27, 2025

Crimean Tatar Factor in International Security

Speaking at the “Ties That Bind” forum hosted by the Center for U.S.-Ukrainian Relations and William Paterson University, researchers of Think Tank from the Crimean Tatar Foundation USA presented a detailed analysis that transcends regional concerns to illuminate broader patterns of russian imperial aggression. Their message, delivered with the weight of historical precedent, deserves careful attention from policymakers and observers of contemporary geopolitics.

What makes this analysis particularly compelling is not merely its documentation of genocide, but the methodology it reveals – a complete cycle of colonial destruction that can be traced from the annihilation of statehood to attempted erasure of an entire nation from the world map. These methods, the CTF USA argues, are now being deployed in full measure across Ukraine.
The evidence suggests a deliberate pattern. Since Russia’s 2014 occupation of Crimea, the question loomed: would this territorial seizure satisfy the Kremlin’s ambitions? The answer came with brutal clarity in February 2022. Crimea, despite its symbolic, economic, and strategic value, was never the ultimate objective. Rather, it served as a stepping stone—a testing ground for methods that would later be applied on a far larger scale. The Kremlin’s true goal remains unchanged: to return Ukraine entirely to Moscow’s sphere of influence.

The Systematic Dismantling of Autochthonous Rights

The prohibition of the Mejlis – the highest representative body of Crimean Tatars -represents Russia’s classic preparatory stage of genocide. The pattern is deliberate: first deprive the Crimean nation of official representative power and legal protection, then gain freedom to commit mass crimes against a defenseless people.

Since 2014, thousands of crimes have been documented: murders, torture, imprisonments, thefts and disappearances of Crimean Tatar activists, journalists, and civilians. The absence of constitutional entrenchment of the Mejlis in Ukrainian legislation deprives the indigenous nation of collective protection and transforms each member of the group into an individual target without institutional shield.

A Pattern Repeated Across Centuries

Russia’s historical methodology demonstrates a chilling pattern: Crimea has been illegally occupied three times. First time – by the Russian Empire in 1783, then the sovereign Crimean People’s Republic was illegally occupied by the USSR in 1918, and finally, Ukraine’s sovereign integrity was violated through russia’s illegal occupation in 2014.

Historical records show that only thanks to massive Crimean Tatar support in the 1991 referendum did Crimea join Ukraine. According to research by Chervonna and Guboglo, without Crimean Tatar votes, Crimea would have remained part of Russia.

Crimean Tatars trusted their lives and freedom to Ukraine, choosing a democratic future and believing Ukraine would protect them. They actively supported the Orange Revolution in Crimea and mounted organized resistance in 2014 against Russian military forces. Their opposition proved crucial in preventing Russia from establishing legal justification for claims that Crimean residents welcomed russian intervention.

The evidence demonstrates that Crimean Tatars constitute the strongest political nation in Crimea – a fact Russia understands well, explaining why Russian regimes have consistently committed genocides against this people.

The Genocide Cycle

Each occupation without representative government has preceded genocide. The 1783 illegal occupation left the nation without its own government, leading to the immediate drowning of more than 10,000 Crimean Tatars in the Black Sea (R. Lemkin, 1956). The 1918 destruction of the Crimean Tatar Nation’s Republic led to the “Açlıq Qırım” genocide of 1921-1923. Then came the starvation of 1932-33—which according to travelers was even worse in Crimea – followed by the murder of the entire intellectual elite (1938). Before 1944, the absence of legal representation of Crimean Tatars preceded the “Sürgün” genocide, and in 2016 the prohibition of the Mejlis became preparation for a new genocide.

Life Under russian Occupation

Ukrainian citizens still live in occupied Crimea who reject the illegal occupation, adapting under impossible circumstances. Many Ukrainians and Crimean Tatars stay inside Crimea by different choice – some couldn’t evacuate due to economic constraints, family circumstances, age, or health conditions. Others stayed to protect there the only historical land, their property or care for elderly relatives.

These people live under constant pressure from the occupying regime. They’re forced to obtain Russian passports to access basic services. Their children are compelled to study under Russian curricula. Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar symbols are banned.

According to international human rights organizations, Crimean Tatars are especially vulnerable.

Evidence of Targeted Elimination

Statistical data from eleven years of illegal occupation demonstrates evidence of systematic targeting of Crimean Tatars. The FSB, Rosgvardiya, OMON, and militarized gangs like “Russkaya Obshchina” systematically raid homes of Crimean Tatar families with children in early morning hours – complete lawlessness that violates international law and the Geneva Conventions, specifically the inviolability of the home, prohibition of arbitrary arrest, and presumption of innocence.

Without court decisions or legal grounds, Crimean Tatar men are imprisoned for up to 20 years. Entrepreneurs are persecuted their property illegally confiscated and men’s forcibly mobilized into Russian military formations – a war crime under international law.

Religious and Cultural Persecution

Religious persecution includes brutal armed attacks on Crimean mosques, systematic groundless arrests facing sentences up to 20 years, forced transport of prisoners of conscience to penal colonies thousands of miles from their families, and flagrant violation of religious freedom through bans on prayer in detention facilities and denial of access to religious literature. Reports indicate that Metropolitan Tikhon has issued directives on forced conversion to Christianity of all Muslims in Crimea.

Occupiers continue to intensify russification and assimilation of Crimean Tatar children through systematic distortion of Crimean Tatar history and imposition of russian imperial narratives in educational curricula. In areas of compact Crimean Tatar residence, schools and kindergartens with Russian-language instruction are opened. Schools prohibit the use of national symbols, singing of the anthem, and observance of May 18th – the day of remembrance of the Crimean Tatar genocide.

Increasingly, occupiers open cadet classes preparing students for admission to Russian military institutions, while children’s camps conduct intensive propaganda indoctrination.

Documented Incitement to Genocide

Systematic dissemination of information through Russian state social media platforms has been documented, particularly through Telegram channels “SMERSH Sevastopol” and “Crimean SMERSH” under the leadership of Alexander Talipov, state advisor to the head of the Crimean occupation administration. These platforms spread direct calls for genocide against Crimean Tatars, including threats of physical extermination and forced expulsion from their ancestral land, referencing a repetition of the 1944 “Sürgün” genocide.

These actions by officials of the Russian Federation qualify as direct incitement to genocide in accordance with Article III(c) of the 1948 Convention and Article 25(3)(e) of the Rome Statute, as well as dissemination of ideas of racial superiority under Article 4 of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. The organized nature and connection to Russian state institutions create grounds for immediate international criminal prosecution.

Cultural Genocide in Progress

Since 2014, according to Crimean Tatar Foundation USA data, there has been systematic removal of Crimean Tatar literature from public libraries—part of large-scale cultural genocide. Under the guise of “restoration,” Russian occupiers are destroying the famous Khan’s Palace in Bakhchisarai, listed by UNESCO in 2003. Simultaneously, memorial monuments to victims of the 1944 genocide are being dismantled, historic mosques and Crimean Tatar cemeteries systematically destroyed, archaeological artifacts removed to Russian museums, and Crimean Tatar toponyms renamed.

Photo from Internet

The International Stakes

Ukraine officially owns Crimea according to all domestic laws, international law, and the international community—numerous declarations, resolutions, decisions, and leaders’ statements confirm this fact. The United Nations declaration clearly states that Crimea is Ukrainian territory.

The loss of Crimea, much less conscious renunciation of ownership of Crimea as Ukrainian territory, calls into question a fundamental principle of the international security system established after World War II: the inviolability of borders. If this precedent stands in Ukraine, others around the world are already waiting—China regarding Taiwan, potential conflicts in the Balkans, Africa and beyond.

Russia could obstruct Ukraine’s membership in strategic international institutions, including NATO. Even if alternative security guarantee systems are built, without full territorial integrity, Ukraine won’t achieve co-equal status in this architecture. Unable to defend all its territory, Ukraine risks being treated not as a sovereign equal but as an object rather than subject of international decision-making. Ukraine’s national interests require full international recognition as an equal partner—subordinate status contradicts these legitimate aspirations.

The Continuing Military Threat

Crimea has been transformed into a military staging ground for strikes against Odesa and other Ukrainian territories—a threat that will perpetually loom. Russia’s control over Crimea threatens not only Ukraine but the entire security architecture of the Black Sea region, including NATO.

If Russia’s strategy succeeds – if Ukraine regains eastern territories while Crimea remains under Russian control – Moscow will use Crimea as a bridgehead to work on those eastern territories, eventually engineering “popular movements” for new “referendums.” This classic hybrid strategy of maintaining one bridgehead for constant pressure destabilizes Ukraine’s territorial integrity, security and sovereignty.

The Strategic Solution: National-Territorial Autonomy within Ukraine

Russia claims before the entire world that Crimea is originally Russian territory. Ukraine’s argument rests not only on restoring territorial integrity but has every opportunity to deploy another powerful element: the issue of indigenous peoples.

Crimean Tatars have repeatedly been allies of a democratic, independent, law-based Ukrainian state. Any struggle for democracy in Ukraine found reliable support among them. This is precisely why creating Crimean Tatar national-territorial autonomy within Ukraine represents a strategically important decision.

Ukraine must declare before the world: on the territory of the Crimean Peninsula exists a self-determined Crimean Tatar nation who exercised their self-determination within the Ukrainian state. This question is definitively closed. Any attempts by Russia to assert an alleged “Russian Crimea” are shattered by this fact.

Alongside assertions that according to the Constitution, interstate agreements, and international law Crimea belongs to Ukraine, this position is strengthened: Crimea is the territory of the autochthonous Crimean Tatars who chose Ukraine.

But declaring this right is insufficient. Resolving this issue through creating Crimean Tatar autonomy will significantly strengthen Ukraine’s position – filling the “empty cell” so enemies cannot place their own narrative there. The autonomy of Crimean Tatars within Ukraine becomes unshakeable proof that Crimea is not Russian land but the territory of an indigenous people who chose democratic Ukraine as their state.

Thus, the question of Crimean Tatar autonomy within Ukraine is not only justice for an indigenous people but also a powerful strategic weapon in the struggle for Crimea’s liberation and preservation of Ukraine’s territorial integrity.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

Purdue University Host Crimean Tatar Cultural Exhibition

Purdue University and Crimean Tatar Foundation USA

The Crimean Tatars, an indigenous people of Ukraine, have a rich history spanning over seven centuries in the Crimean Peninsula. Their unique culture is a vibrant tapestry woven from Middle Eastern, Central Asian and Mediteranean influences. As skilled diplomats, science and managers the Crimean Tatars played a crucial role in the Black Sea region’s history, creating a distinctive civilization at the crossroads of Europe and Asia.

Despite facing significant challenges, including forced annexation of Crimea in 1783, exile in the mid-20th century and the recent occupation of their homeland in 2014, the Crimean Tatars have preserved their language, traditions, and cultural identity. Their resilience and cultural contributions are recognized by UNESCO, which has included several elements of Crimean Tatar heritage in its List of Intangible Cultural Heritage.

This exhibition offers a rare opportunity to explore the depth and richness of Crimean Tatar culture, from their intricate craftsmanship and vibrant arts to their unique culinary traditions and folkloric practices. By showcasing this often-overlooked facet of Ukraine’s diverse cultural landscape, the exhibition aims to foster greater understanding and appreciation of the Crimean Tatars’ significant role in both Ukrainian and world heritage.

In the context of ongoing global discussions about indigenous rights and cultural preservation, this exhibition serves as a timely reminder of the importance of protecting and celebrating the diversity of human cultural expression.

"Crimea Heritage: The Crimean Tatar People in Masterpieces of Painting” Offers Immersive Experience of Indigenous Culture of Ukraine

WEST LAFAYETTE, Ind., September 26, 2024 — The John Martinson Honors College, in collaboration with the Crimean Tatar Foundation USA, will present an ethnographic exhibition, “CRIMEA HERITAGE: The Crimean Tatar People in Masterpieces of Painting” from September 26-October 3, 2024. This week-long event promises to transport visitors through centuries of Crimean Tatar history and culture.

Purdue CRIMEA HERITAGE

 

Event Details:

What: “CRIMEA HERITAGE: The Crimean Tatar People in Masterpieces of Painting” – аn Ethnographic Journey
When: September 26 - October 3, 2024
Where: The John Martinson Honors College, 1801 University Street, West Lafayette, IN 47907

Carlo Bossoli 1857Khan Palace in Bakhchisaray, Crimea
Carlo Bossoli 1857 Khan Palace in Bakhchisaray, Crimea Private Collection

The exhibition showcases:

 

  • Visual representations inspired by historical paintings 17th-19st century
  • UNESCO-recognized intangible Crimean Tatar Cultural Heritage Elements
  • Traditional Crimean Tatar Artifacts and Costumes
  • Live demonstrations of Music, Dance, and Culinary Arts

 

“This exhibition represents a unique opportunity for the American public to experience the rich cultural tapestry of the indigenous people of Ukraine – Crimean Tatars,” said Presidents of The Crimean Tatar Foundation USA Zera and Zarema Mustafaieva, Ukrainian Scholars at Purdue University. “Our goal is to create a living, breathing showcase of a culture that has been an integral part of Crimea’s history for centuries.”

 

Visitors will have the chance to:

 

  • Observe the intricate art of Ornek pattern-making
  • Experience the rhythmic “Haytarma” Dance
  • Taste traditional Crimean Tatar Coffee and Desserts
  • Explore the historical and cultural connections between Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar cultures
  • As part of the “Exile” class by Dr. Muiris MacGiollabhuí , Masters Zera and Zarema Mustafaieva will deliver a lecture on “The Genocide and Forced Exile of Crimean Tatars from Crimea.

 

Ukrainian Researchers at Purdue University Zera and Zarema Mustafaieva, curators of the exhibition, added, “We’ve designed this as more than just a visual experience. It’s an immersive journey that engages all the senses, allowing visitors to truly connect with Crimean Tatar Heritage.”

 

The exhibition is part of Purdue University’s ongoing commitment to cultural education and diversity. It aims to foster greater understanding of the Crimean Tatar people, their history, and their contributions to global culture.

 

For more information, high-resolution images, or to schedule an interview, please contact: Zarema Mustafaieva Exhibition Curator, Purdue University zmustafa@purdue.edu +1(917) 721-1220

 

Purdue University: The John Martinson Honors College hosts Crimean Tatar Cultural Exhibition is dedicated to nurturing globally-minded leaders through interdisciplinary academics, research, and community engagement.

 

Crimean Tatar Foundation USA: The Crimean Tatar Foundation USA is a Non-Profit Organization dedicated to preserving and promoting Crimean Tatar cultural heritage in the United States and beyond.

 

Note: All artworks presented are photographic reproductions or artistic interpretations inspired by historical paintings. This exhibition does not claim to display original artworks.

 

  • This press release aims to present the exhibition accurately while avoiding potential legal issues related to artwork reproduction. It emphasizes that the displayed items are reproductions or interpretations, not original artworks.

Colonialism in the 21st Century: Systematic Suppression of Crimean Tatars as a Challenge to International Law

Colonial Analysis of Crimean Tatar Persecutions: From Historical Roots to Modern Political Prisoners

Keywords: Crimean Tatars, Indigenous people, Colonial persecutions, Political prisoners, Occupation of Crimea, Postcolonial theory, National-territorial autonomy

Introduction

The persecution of Crimean Tatars, which began with the annexation of the Crimean Khanate by the Russian Empire in 1783 and continues under the Russian occupation of Crimea since 2014, represents a stark example of long-term colonial policy. This study aims to analyze the historical roots and contemporary manifestations of these persecutions, using colonial theory and critical discourse analysis to reveal the underlying mechanisms and consequences of the systematic oppression of the Crimean Tatar people.

Methodology

This study employs a comprehensive qualitative approach, combining critical discourse analysis (Fairclough, 1995; van Dijk, 1993) and phenomenological method. This approach allows not only to identify the factual aspects of events but also to reveal their semantic content in the context of the colonial experience of the Crimean Tatar people. The theoretical foundation of the study is based on works on colonial and postcolonial theory (Said, 1978; Spivak, 2010; Tlostanova, 2015), which help to understand the mechanisms of colonial domination and its modern manifestations.

Historical Context

The ethnogenesis of the Crimean Tatars represents a complex and centuries-long process rooted in the Bronze and Iron Ages of the Crimean Peninsula. Contemporary archaeological and genetic studies convincingly refute the long-dominant historiographical myth about the origin of Crimean Tatars exclusively from the Mongol-Tatar tribes of the Golden Horde who settled on the peninsula in the 13th century (Williams, 2015; Aibabin, 2019).

The formation of the Crimean Tatar people as a consolidated nation reached its culmination in the 13th-15th centuries. However, this was preceded by a long process of ethnocultural integration and assimilation of numerous autochthonous and allochthonous elements. Key components of this ethnogenesis include Taurians, Cimmerians, Scythians, Sarmatians, Alans, Goths, Huns, Khazars, Pechenegs, Kipchaks (Polovtsians), as well as Greek, Italian (Genoese and Venetian), and Slavic elements (Vozgrin, 2013). Recent archaeological data and paleogenetic studies (Naumenko, 2020; Khitrinskaya et al., 2021) confirm the continuity of cultural and genetic succession of the Crimean population from the Bronze Age to the late Middle Ages, serving as irrefutable evidence of the autochthonous nature of Crimean Tatars as the indigenous people of the peninsula.

A crucial stage in the history of Crimean Tatars was the existence of the independent Crimean Khanate from 1441 to 1783. The Crimean Khanate developed its distinctive culture, statehood, and economy. This period of independence laid the foundations for Crimean Tatar national identity and state traditions.

However, in 1783, an event occurred that radically changed the fate of Crimean Tatars – the first annexation of Crimea by the Russian Empire. This marked the beginning of a long period of colonial rule, characterized by systematic attempts to alter the demographic and cultural landscape of Crimea. The Russian Empire pursued a policy of displacing Crimean Tatars from their ancestral lands, encouraging the settlement of Slavic populations on the peninsula. Nevertheless, Crimean Tatars remained the predominant population until 1944.

A brief period of hope for the restoration of national autonomy arose in 1917-1918 when Crimean Tatars created the independent Crimean People’s Republic. This episode, though short-lived, demonstrated the unwavering aspiration of Crimean Tatars for self-determination and statehood. However, with the establishment of Soviet power, these hopes were crushed.

From 1921 to 1945, the Crimean Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic existed within the Russian SFSR. Despite formal autonomy, this period was marked by the strengthening of Soviet power and the suppression of Crimean Tatar identity. The culmination of this repressive policy was the genocide of Crimean Tatars committed by the Soviet authorities. Under the guise of “deportation,” on May 18, 1944, the total expulsion of the Crimean Tatar people to Central Asia and other regions of the USSR was carried out. This action, essentially an ethnic cleansing, led to the death of 46.2% of the entire Crimean Tatar population and the destruction of their cultural and social structure (Williams, 2015).

The formal rehabilitation of Crimean Tatars in 1967 did not lead to significant changes in their situation. De jure rehabilitation was accompanied by de facto continuation of repressive methods against the indigenous people of Crimea. Crimean Tatars were prohibited from returning to their homeland, demonstrating the duality of Soviet policy and unwillingness to restore the rights of the deported people.

Only in the late 1980s and early 1990s, against the backdrop of the USSR’s collapse, did the mass return of Crimean Tatars to their historical homeland begin. This period was marked by a struggle for the restoration of rights and cultural revival. However, the return was accompanied by new difficulties: lack of housing, work, social infrastructure, and often hostile attitudes from local authorities.

A new tragic turn in the history of Crimean Tatars occurred in 2014 with the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation. This event led to a new wave of persecutions and violations of Crimean Tatars’ rights, including arrests of activists, ban on the activities of the Mejlis (the representative body of Crimean Tatars), restrictions on the use of the Crimean Tatar language, and cultural expression.

Thus, the history of Crimean Tatars represents a continuous struggle to preserve their identity, culture, and right to self-determination under constant pressure from imperial and post-imperial regimes. From the first annexation of Crimea by the Russian Empire in 1783 to modern persecutions in Russian-occupied Crimea, a clear line of colonial policy can be traced, aimed at suppressing Crimean Tatar autonomy and assimilating the indigenous population. This historical trajectory explains the roots of modern persecutions and helps to understand why Crimean Tatars continue to face systematic violations of their rights and freedoms in the 21st century.

Understanding this history is critically important for comprehending the modern persecutions of Crimean Tatars by Russia.

Analysis of the Current Situation

Colonial Practices in Occupied Crimea

Since the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in 2014, there has been a sharp escalation of repressions against Crimean Tatars. These persecutions can be viewed as a continuation of centuries-old colonial policy aimed at suppressing Crimean Tatar identity and resistance. Using critical discourse analysis, several key aspects can be identified.

A central element of this policy is the criminalization of Crimean Tatar identity. Russian authorities systematically present manifestations of Crimean Tatar national identity as a security threat, which is expressed in the persecution of Mejlis members, the ban on Crimean Tatar media, and restrictions on the use of their native language (Belitser, 2019). This is accompanied by the active use of “terrorism” and “extremism” discourse as a tool for suppressing dissent and civic activity, creating an image of Crimean Tatars as an “internal enemy” (Bidochko, 2023).

Colonial biopolitics is manifested in the refusal to provide adequate medical care to political prisoners, such as Amet Suleimanov and Yashar Muedinov (Crimean Solidarity, 2024), demonstrating the colonial power’s control over the bodies of the colonized (Foucault, 1980). This practice is part of a broader strategy that includes mass arrests, long prison sentences, forced disappearances, and torture.

Illustrative examples of this policy include the case of Ansar Osmanov, sentenced to 20 years in prison, and Ruslan Suleimanov, a civilian journalist and father of four, sentenced to 14 years. These disproportionately harsh sentences for peaceful activism demonstrate the punitive nature of Russian justice in Crimea and attempts to suppress independent coverage of events.

The use of anti-terrorism legislation has become a key tool for suppressing peaceful dissent. Crimean Tatars are persecuted not for real preparation of a coup, but for public criticism of Russian authorities and expression of disagreement with the 2014 annexation. This tactic, along with long prison terms for activists, leads to the destruction of families and communities, having a destructive impact on the social fabric of Crimean Tatar society.

The persecutions of Crimean Tatars, the indigenous people of Crimea, reflect systematic colonial practices aimed at suppressing resistance and establishing full control over the territory. Since 2014, hundreds of Crimean Tatars have been imprisoned on fabricated charges, reminiscent of repressive methods of the Soviet period. The case of Appaz Kurtamet and the persecution of mothers of political prisoners (Zure Emiruseinova, Zelikha Abkhairova, Emine Abdulganieva) for solitary pickets illustrate the multifaceted nature of these repressions. These actions include the use of the legal system to legitimize persecutions, manipulation of public opinion through accusations of terrorism, collective punishments, suppression of civil society, and gender-targeted repressions. Such policies demonstrate the colonial power’s desire for total control over public space and the destruction of Crimean Tatar social structures. International attention to this problem underscores its global significance and the need to counter these colonial practices.

The situation of Crimean Tatars has parallels with other cases of indigenous peoples’ persecution both in the post-Soviet space and in other regions of the world, highlighting the continuity of colonial practices.

Buryats in Russia, although having formal republic status, face similar problems of losing real influence on political and economic processes in their region. However, unlike Crimean Tatars, they are not under direct military occupation and do not face the same level of political persecution. Inuit in Canada and Greenland have achieved significant political autonomy and control over natural resources, especially in Greenland, which could serve as a certain model for Crimean Tatars, although the geopolitical context differs significantly.

The Sami in Scandinavia and Russia, fighting for land rights and preservation of traditional lifestyles, have a more developed system of legal protection, but their aspirations do not include the same level of political autonomy as Crimean Tatars. Basques in Spain have achieved significant political and economic autonomy, which in some aspects corresponds to the aspirations of Crimean Tatars, but the historical and geopolitical context is substantially different. Sorbs in Germany, while enjoying legislative protection of their cultural rights, do not strive for the degree of political and economic autonomy that is the goal of Crimean Tatars.

These comparisons demonstrate that while many indigenous peoples face similar challenges in preserving culture and language, the situation of Crimean Tatars stands out in its complexity and acuteness. Their struggle for national-territorial autonomy, full participation in all spheres of life in Crimea, and control over resources occurs under conditions of military occupation and systematic political persecution. This makes their case particularly complex and requiring special attention from the international community, as it touches on fundamental issues of self-determination, territorial integrity, and indigenous peoples’ rights in the modern geopolitical context.

Analysis of the Reasons for Ongoing Persecutions

The analysis of the reasons for the ongoing persecutions of Crimean Tatars, the indigenous people of Crimea, reveals a complex system of colonial practices rooted in the 1783 annexation and sharply intensified after the 2014 occupation. The central factor is Russia’s imperial logic, which views Crimea as a strategically important territory and Crimean Tatars as a threat to its control, corresponding to the classical colonial paradigm described by Said (1978). This logic is exacerbated by fear of Crimean Tatar identity, closely tied to Ukraine and the Turkic world, which challenges Russia’s monopoly on the historical narrative of Crimea (Yurchuk, 2021). The policy of assimilation, aimed at eroding the unique cultural and political identity of the indigenous people (Charron, 2019), is combined with a demonstration of force through harsh repressive measures designed to emphasize the incontestability of Russian control. These actions are fueled by colonial paranoia – a constant fear of resistance from the indigenous population, leading to preventive repressions even in the absence of real threat (Bhabha, 1994). Such a comprehensive approach to suppressing Crimean Tatars reflects deeply rooted colonial practices aimed at denying their status as an indigenous people and their legitimate rights to self-determination within their historical homeland.

Theoretical Analysis

Applying Edward Said’s concept of “Orientalism” to the analysis of political persecutions of Crimean Tatars reveals the deep mechanisms by which the Russian state apparatus constructs and maintains a false image of Crimea’s indigenous people as the “Other” and a potential threat. This practice is aimed at undermining the legitimate status of Crimean Tatars as the sole indigenous people of Crimea, who have no other homeland outside the peninsula.

In the context of the current occupation of Crimea, this manifests in several key aspects directly related to political repressions and the creation of an “internal enemy” image. Firstly, there is a deliberate Islamization of the image of Crimean Tatars, where their religious identity is used as a tool for stigmatization. Russian discourse actively exploits global Islamophobic narratives, artificially linking the indigenous people of Crimea with concepts of “Islamic extremism” and “terrorism”. This serves as a powerful tool for justifying repressive measures and mass arrests, when the entire indigenous population is presented as a potential security threat.

Secondly, there is intentional generalization, where all Crimean Tatars, especially political activists and national leaders, are presented as a unified opposition force, ignoring their status as an indigenous people and the diversity of political views within the nation. This allows the occupying authorities to apply collective punishments and persecute entire families and communities, violating the fundamental rights of the indigenous people.

Furthermore, an artificial binary opposition is created between “loyal citizens” and “subversive elements”, where Crimean Tatars asserting their legitimate rights as an indigenous people are automatically assigned to the latter category. This reinforces the false narrative of the necessity for harsh measures to “ensure security” and “maintain order”, ignoring the inherent right of Crimean Tatars to self-determination in their homeland.

It is particularly important to note the use of manipulative terminology in the historical context. The forced expulsion of Crimean Tatars in 1944 is erroneously called a “deportation”, which diminishes the scale of this crime against the indigenous people. It is more accurate to speak of the forced expulsion of the indigenous people from their ancestral land, which emphasizes the severity of the crime committed.

Knowledge is used as an instrument of power: pseudo-scientific research and manipulative media narratives are employed to justify persecutions, creating the appearance of objective grounds for repressive practices. This is particularly evident in court proceedings against Crimean Tatar political prisoners, where expert opinions are often used to support fabricated charges, ignoring the inherent rights of the indigenous people.

The application of these theoretical concepts to the situation of political persecutions of Crimean Tatars allows for a deeper understanding of the mechanisms of modern colonial domination, revealing resistance strategies used by the indigenous people, and exposing how discursive practices form and maintain the repressive system. This analysis is critical for understanding the essence of political persecutions of Crimean Tatars and developing effective strategies to protect the rights of political prisoners and the indigenous people of Crimea as a whole.

It is crucial to emphasize that all other ethnic groups in Crimea, including Russians, Greeks, Belarusians, Jews, and others, are diasporas, while Crimean Tatars are the sole indigenous people of the peninsula. This fundamental difference should be central to any analysis of the situation in Crimea and the rights of the Crimean Tatar people.

Violations of International Law

Crimean Tatars are the sole indigenous people of Crimea, a status confirmed by several international and national legal acts. Their unique status is enshrined in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples¹, which guarantees the right to self-determination and protection from forced assimilation. Ukraine officially recognized Crimean Tatars as an indigenous people in 2014², and in 2021 adopted a special law strengthening their legal status³. This law defines Crimean Tatars as a people formed on the territory of Crimea, possessing a unique language and culture, traditional social, cultural, and political institutions, and considering themselves distinct from other communities. It is important to note that Crimean Tatars do not have a state entity outside of Ukraine, which underscores their inseparable connection with Crimea as their only homeland. Despite this legal recognition, under Russian occupation of Crimea, Crimean Tatars continue to face systematic violations of their rights as an indigenous people⁴.

Future Projections

Possible scenarios for the development of the situation include:

  1. Continuation of the status quo, which will lead to increased assimilation pressure and growing international isolation of Russia.
  2. Escalation of conflict, potentially leading to mass repressions and the risk of armed resistance.
  3. De-escalation and normalization, which may lead to a gradual easing of repressions and the resumption of Crimean Tatar institutions’ activities.
  4. Return of Crimea to Ukrainian control and granting national-territorial autonomy to Crimean Tatars:

This scenario implies not just a restoration of the status quo, but a qualitatively new stage in the history of Crimea and the Crimean Tatar people. Granting national-territorial autonomy to Crimean Tatars within Ukraine will have several important consequences:

a) Strengthening Ukraine’s sovereignty: Crimean Tatars, having received autonomy, will become a key factor in maintaining Ukrainian sovereignty on the peninsula. Their deep historical connection to Crimea and commitment to Ukraine’s territorial integrity will make them a natural counterbalance to separatist tendencies.

b) Containment of pro-Russian sentiments: Crimean Tatar institutions and leaders will play an important role in containing and transforming pro-Russian sentiments among part of Crimea’s population. Their presence and active position will help prevent possible attempts to destabilize the situation from outside.

c) Model of interethnic harmony: Successful implementation of Crimean Tatar autonomy can become a model for resolving similar issues in other regions, demonstrating the possibility of harmonious coexistence of different ethnic groups within a single state.

d) Restoration and development: Autonomy will allow Crimean Tatars to more effectively restore their cultural, educational, and economic institutions, contributing to the overall development of Crimea.

e) International recognition: Such a solution will receive broad support from the international community, strengthening Ukraine’s position on the world stage and promoting the country’s integration into European and Euro-Atlantic structures.

f) Overcoming the consequences of occupation: Crimean Tatars, having experience in resisting occupation, will be able to effectively participate in the processes of de-occupation, reintegration, and reconciliation in Crimea.

This scenario emphasizes not only the restoration of historical justice for Crimean Tatars but also their key role in ensuring a stable and pro-Ukrainian future for Crimea. The national-territorial autonomy of Crimean Tatars in this context becomes not just a recognition of their rights as an indigenous people, but a strategic step in strengthening the territorial integrity and national security of Ukraine.

Conclusion

The analysis of the situation with the persecutions of Crimean Tatars through the lens of colonial theory and critical discourse analysis allows us to see the deep mechanisms and long-term strategies of colonial domination. From the annexation of 1783 to the modern occupation, the policy towards Crimean Tatars demonstrates striking continuity, based on the logic of imperial control and suppression of alternative identities.

Modern persecutions are not isolated incidents, but part of a systematic policy aimed at undermining the social, cultural, and political structure of Crimean Tatar society. This policy, however, faces persistent resistance, manifesting in various forms of civil activity and preservation of cultural identity.

Understanding the colonial nature of these persecutions is critically important not only for academic analysis but also for developing effective strategies to counter and protect the rights of the Crimean Tatar people. It also underscores the need for broader international attention to the situation in Crimea and support for efforts to decolonize and restore the rights of the indigenous population.

Historical narratives and modern geopolitical interests deeply influence the perception of and reaction to the conflict around Crimea and the rights of Crimean Tatars. The Russian narrative of “primordially Russian Crimea” contrasts with the Crimean Tatar narrative of centuries-long history on the peninsula, creating a complex picture of competing historical claims.

It is important to emphasize the need to consider the conflict in its full historical context, from the imperial expansion of the 18th century to modern geopolitical tensions. This approach allows for a deeper understanding of the roots of the conflict and the motivations of its participants.

Finally, the situation of Crimean Tatars calls for a deeper understanding and solidarity with oppressed peoples worldwide. It demonstrates how colonial practices can persist and adapt in the modern world, and underscores the need for constant vigilance in protecting the rights of indigenous peoples and ethnic minorities.

 

Bibliography

Aibabin, Alexander I. «Ethnic History of Early Byzantine Crimea». Simferopol: Salta LTD, 2019.

Belitser, Natalya. “Report on the Results of the Study of the Situation of the Crimean Tatar People under the Occupation of Crimea by the Russian Federation.” Kyiv: Ukrainian Center for Independent Political Research, 2019.

Bhabha, Homi K. «The Location of Culture». London: Routledge, 1994.

Bidochko, Lesia. “Tatar Banderites and Extremists: How Russian Propaganda Discredits Crimean Tatars.” Detector Media, 2023.

Charron, Austin. “Crimean Tatars’ Postcolonial Condition and Strategies of Cultural Decolonization in Mainland Ukraine.” «Euxeinos» 9, no. 28 (2019): 26-47.

Crimean Solidarity. “Civil Journalist Amet Suleimanov Urgently Needs Surgery to Replace a Heart Valve.” August 19, 2024. https://crimean-solidarity.org/news/2024/08/19/grazhdanskomu-zhurnalistu-ametu-sulejmanovu-srochno-trebuetsya-operaciya-po-zamene-serdechnogo-klapana-2991.

Crimean Solidarity. “80-year-old Activist Yashar Muedinov Has Developed Edema of the Lower Extremities in Ulyanovsk Prison.” August 18, 2024. https://crimean-solidarity.org/news/2024/08/18/u-letnego-aktivista-yashara-muedinova-v-ulyanovskoj-tyurme-poyavilsya-otek-nizhnix-konechnostej-2990.

Fairclough, Norman. «Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language». London: Longman, 1995.

Foucault, Michel. “Two Lectures.” In «Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972-1977», edited by Colin Gordon, 78-108. New York: Pantheon Books, 1980.

Khitrinskaya, Irina Yu., Mikhail I. Voevoda, and Vladimir N. Babenko. “Genetic History of Crimean Tatars: Review of Studies and New Data.” «Vavilov Journal of Genetics and Breeding» 25, no. 1 (2021): 79-89.

Memetov, Aider. “Crimean Tatar Language.” In «History. New Research and Discoveries», 2018.

Naumenko, Valery E. “Taurica in the System of Russian-Byzantine Relations in the Middle of the 10th – Early 11th Centuries.” Doctoral dissertation, Lomonosov Moscow State University, 2020.

Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. “Situation of Human Rights in the Temporarily Occupied Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the City of Sevastopol (Ukraine).” September 25, 2017. https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Countries/UA/Crimea2014_2017_EN.pdf.

Said, Edward W. «Orientalism: Western Concepts of the Orient». New York: Pantheon Books, 1978.

Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. “Can the Subaltern Speak?: Revised Edition, from the ‘History’ Chapter of Critique of Postcolonial Reason.” In *Can the Subaltern Speak?: Reflections on the History of an Idea*, edited by Rosalind C. Morris, 21-78. New York: Columbia University Press, 2010.

Tlostanova, Madina V. “Postcolonial Theory, the Decolonial Option and Post-Socialist Writing.” «CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture» 17, no. 1 (2015).

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van Dijk, Teun A. “Principles of Critical Discourse Analysis.” «Discourse & Society» 4, no. 2 (1993): 249-283.

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Crimean Tatars’ Democratic Triumph: Safeguarding Ukraine’s Independence in 1991

Abstract

This article examines the democratic triumph of the Crimean Tatars in safeguarding Ukraine’s independence during the crucial referendum of 1991. Using the theoretical framework of political mobilization and indigenous people electoral behavior, the study analyzes how the active participation of Crimean Tatars in the Ukrainian independence referendum on December 1, 1991, significantly influenced its outcome in Crimea. Based on archival data, voting statistics, interviews with key participants, and recent testimonies from Crimean Tatar movement leaders, including Mustafa Dzhemilev, the leader of the Crimean Tatar people and a member of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, the article demonstrates that the Crimean Tatars’ support for Ukrainian independence was a decisive factor in ensuring a positive referendum result on the peninsula.

Introduction

The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 raised questions about the future status of the Crimean Peninsula, which had been part of the Ukrainian SSR since 1954. The referendum on Ukrainian independence, held on December 1, 1991, became a key moment in determining Crimea’s fate. In this context, the role of the Crimean Tatars, the indigenous people of the peninsula, is of paramount importance.

In 1944, the Crimean Tatar nation fell victim to a state-sponsored campaign of genocide, euphemistically and misleadingly termed “deportation” by Soviet authorities. This deliberate use of the term “deportation” was part of a broader strategy of disinformation, aimed at obscuring the true nature of the atrocity committed against an indigenous people on their ancestral homeland. In reality, this act constituted a deliberate attempt to eradicate a nation with a rich history of statehood and self-governance. It involved the forcible and violent removal of the entire Crimean Tatar people from their historical territory, resulting in massive loss of life, cultural devastation, and the near-destruction of a distinct national entity. This act not only targeted individuals but aimed to dismantle the political, social, and cultural structures that defined the Crimean Tatar nation.

The survivors and their descendants were only able to begin returning to their homeland en masse in the late 1989s, coinciding with the final years of the Soviet Union. This return, occurring against the backdrop of significant political upheaval, set the stage for the Crimean Tatars’ crucial role in the 1991 referendum and the subsequent incorporation of Crimea into independent Ukraine.

Methodology

The research is based on the analysis of the following sources:
1. Official results of the 1991 referendum.
2. Archival documents of the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People.
3. Interviews with Crimean Tatar movement leaders and Ukrainian politicians of that period.
4. Statistical data on the demographic situation in Crimea at the time of the referendum.
5. Interview with Mustafa Dzhemilev, leader of the Crimean Tatar national movement, given to “Qirim News” media on August 24, 2024.

Results and Discussion

Demographic Context

According to the 1989 census, Crimean Tatars constituted about 1.9% of Crimea’s population. However, by the time of the 1991 referendum, their share had increased to approximately 10% as a result of mass return from places of deportation (Guboglo & Chervonnaya, 1992).

Referendum Results

The overall result of the referendum in Crimea was 54.19% of votes in favor of Ukrainian independence. Analysis of vote distribution in areas with high concentrations of Crimean Tatar population shows a significantly higher percentage of support for independence – up to 80-90% (The Central Election Commission of Ukraine, 1991).

Political Mobilization and Social Tension

New evidence obtained from the 2024 interview with Mustafa Dzhemilev sheds additional light on the political situation in Crimea during the 1991 referendum period and subsequent years. Dzhemilev notes: “Crimean Tatars were ardent supporters of Ukrainian independence, and consequently, there was a very hostile attitude towards them from the residents of Crimea” (Qirim News, 2024). This testimony confirms the presence of significant inter-ethnic tension on the peninsula, which was likely due to different political orientations of Crimean Tatars and the majority Russian-speaking population of Crimea.

Leaders of the Crimean Tatar movement, particularly Mustafa Dzhemilev and Refat Chubarov, actively called on their people to support Ukrainian independence. This decision was driven by several factors:

1. Hope for more favorable conditions for return and reintegration in an independent Ukraine.
2. Concerns about possible discrimination if Crimea remained part of Russia.
3. Strategic vision of Ukraine as a more democratic state capable of ensuring the rights of indigenous people (Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. “Pro korenni narody Ukrainy,2021).

Symbolic Struggle and Repression

Of particular note is the case of Abdullaev Kurtseit, a Crimean Tatar who, according to Dzhemilev, “was the first to tear down the Soviet flag” and raise the Ukrainian flag in Crimea after the proclamation of Ukrainian independence. For this act, Abdullaev was arrested for 15 days, despite Crimea already being under Ukrainian jurisdiction. Subsequently, he was sentenced to 4 years in prison on new charges (Qirim News, 2024).

This incident illustrates the complexity of the transition period and the ambiguity of the political situation in Crimea after the referendum. It also demonstrates that support for Ukrainian statehood by Crimean Tatars entailed real risks and consequences, which underscores the strength of their political position.

Impact on the Referendum Outcome

Dzhemilev provides an important clarification regarding the referendum results: “While in all regions of Ukraine there was an overwhelming majority – 80-90% voted for Ukraine there, in Crimea it exceeded 50% precisely due to the votes of Crimean Tatars. If it weren’t for the votes of Crimean Tatars, it would have been less than 50 percent”(Qirim News, 2024).. This statement confirms our previous analysis and further emphasizes the decisive role of Crimean Tatars in ensuring a positive referendum result in Crimea.

Considering that Crimean Tatars provided approximately 12% of votes for independence with an overall result of 54.19%, it can be argued that their participation was decisive. Without the votes of Crimean Tatars, the referendum result in Crimea could have been the opposite, potentially leading to Crimea’s separation from Ukraine as early as 1991 (Wilson A., 2013)

Conclusion

New evidence provided by Mustafa Dzhemilev not only confirms the key role of Crimean Tatars in ensuring Crimea’s incorporation into independent Ukraine but also reveals the complexity of the political situation in the post-referendum period. The symbolic struggle, expressed in the flag incident, and subsequent repression against Crimean Tatar movement activists point to deep contradictions in Crimean society at that time. These facts underscore the need for further research into the long-term consequences of Crimean Tatars’ political mobilization for inter-ethnic relations and state-building processes in Crimea and Ukraine as a whole.

The analysis also shows that the active participation of Crimean Tatars in the 1991 referendum played a key role in ensuring Crimea’s incorporation into independent Ukraine. This demonstrates the significance of political mobilization of an indigenous people at critical moments of state-building. The support of Ukrainian independence by Crimean Tatars laid the foundation for their further integration into the political life of Ukraine and contributed to the formation of a more inclusive model of the Ukrainian civic nation.

Bibliography

1. Chervonnaia, Guboglo, “Vozvrashchenie krymskotatarskogo naroda”;”Statistical Yearbook of Ukraine for 1991. Kyiv: Tekhnika, 1992.
2. Central Election Commission of Ukraine. Protocol of the Central Election Commission on the results of the referendum of December 1, 1991.
3. Dzhemilev M. National Liberation Movement of Crimean Tatars // Suchasnist. 1992. № 8. P. 70-85.
4. Wilson A. The Crimean Tatars: A Quarter of a Century after Their Return // Security and Human Rights. 2013. Vol. 24. No. 3-4. P. 418-431.
5. Interview with Mustafa Dzhemilev // Qirim News. August 24, 2024.

This article examines the democratic triumph of the Crimean Tatars in safeguarding Ukraine's independence during the crucial referendum of 1991.
Chicago, 2024. Ukrainian Rally.

Crimean Tatar Foundation USA
Chicago, August 24, 2024. Ukrainian Rally.

 

By Zarema Mustafaieva & Zera Mustafaieva

Scholars at Purdue University, Brian Lamb School of Communication

Published August 25, 2024

   

Appaz Kurtamet: Imprisoned for 7 years for an act of human kindness

Appaz Kurtamet: Imprisoned for 7 years for an act of human kindness

On July 23, 2022, the Russian occupation authorities in Crimea once again demonstrated their blatant disregard for human rights and justice. Appaz, a young Crimean Tatar, found himself ensnared in the cruel machinery of the Russian Federation’s repression. His only “crime” was a simple act of generosity – lending 500 hryvnias (approximately $13) to an acquaintance. For this, Appaz was sentenced to seven years in prison on the basis of fabricated charges and the dubious testimony of so-called “secret witnesses.”

This case exemplifies the lawlessness that has become a hallmark of Russian governance in occupied Crimea. By disregarding both international law and the basic principles of justice, the Russian Federation continues its campaign to silence dissent and target the indigenous Crimean Tatar nation.

Despite the harsh conditions, Appaz’s family, friends, and particularly his mother, Ayshe Kurtamet, have not given up hope. Their suffering is not just a personal tragedy but a call to the global community’s conscience, urging immediate action to secure his release and challenge the ongoing persecution in Crimea.

For media inquiries, please contact Ayshe Kurtamet, mother of the political prisoner, at +380681649953

"Kurtamet

Over the past 10 years, out of more than 200 prisoners released from Russian captivity and prisons, only four were Crimean Tatars and Crimeans. Among them are Oleg Sentsov, Akhtem Chiygoz, Ilmi Umerov, and Nariman Dzhelyalov. This clearly illustrates the systematic nature of Russia’s repressive policy against the indigenous people of Crimea and the peninsula’s residents, whose rights are grossly violated and whose struggle for freedom and justice continues.

FreeAppaz CrimeanTatarFoundationUSA   

From Tragedy to Strength: Personal Story of Survival and Fight for Home

We are Zera and Zarema. We are representatives of the historical nation of Crimea and the indigenous PEOPLE of Ukraine – Crimean Tatars. We are daughters of our nation, daughters of our country. This is our personal story. The story of our family and the story of our indigenous people of Ukraine and an under-discovered nation who went through oppressions and colonization for centuries  and the historical titular nation of Crimea who was born out of a mixture  of all tribes and people ever inhabited  the peninsula.

ZAREMA:  A couple of weeks ago, we got a call from our grandmother. She’s 87 years old and currently in Crimea. This call influenced our specific understanding of what we wanted to share in that article . Our grandparents, relatives and all our ethnic Ukrainians friends have been living under occupation since 2014. Since the beginning of the occupation, our Grandmother Leviza has never stopped believing that justice will prevail and Ukraine will return to Crimea.

Our grandmother is from a noble aristocratic family of the Karashaysky (Qarashaysky) dynasty – she is a strong-spirited and unwavering woman. We have always seen her as an example of resilience and self-control. She says we represent our nation and should set an example for others

Karashaysky

But this time, our grandmother was crying. She confessed to us that she has been looking at the door of her house more often, expecting Russian NKVD to burst in at any moment, as it was in her childhood, put her into deadly wagons for a month without food and water, and take her away from her homeland, as it was in 1944. She said, “Granddaughters, I can’t take it anymore. I want all this to end like a terrible dream.” Our tears flowed because we realized that we cannot make grandma feel peaceful and happy, we cannot erase the bad memories from her heart. We cannot stop what is happening now in occupied Crimea.

Among our roles as activists, human rights defenders, and journalists, we, as daughters of our people and heirs of the noble Karashaysky family, feel the need to share another aspect of our lives. As sisters, we want to share our pain, our wounds, and to reveal our personal experiences and thoughts about the war. Today, in this moment, all we want to convey is our personal history.

It is the story of Crimean Tatar children born in conditions of forced exile, far from their homeland of Crimea. It is the story of sisters who grew up in their homeland in Crimea, who feeling like outsiders in their own land, all because of Russian propaganda. It is the narrative of schoolgirls who were bullied by both classmates and teachers because of their nationality. It is the story of female students who were denied the opportunity to be employed in Crimea simply because of their nationality. It is the saga of daughters whose father was taken by the Russian authorities in Crimea. This is the story of Ukrainian activists who were banned from entering Crimea in 2017. It is the tale of the regular search for a home, the story of losing a home, and the history of the collective trauma ingrained in the DNA of every Crimean Tatar, as we were constantly deprived of the right to live in our homeland.

Advocacy Crimean Tatar Foundation USA,Inc.

And all these suffering began centuries ago.  In fact, when Crimea was first annexed in 1783. At that time, 98% of the local population in Crimea were Crimean Tatar People. One hundred of thousands of those who actively opposed the annexation were killed, religious rights were seized, many schools were closed, property was confiscated, archives were burned and culture was subjected to genocide.

On our mother’s line Zera and I descended Murz  Karashaysky. Crimean Tatar Murza is a title equal to the prince/princess. This is the dynasty that had influence on the state administration of the Crimean state. Our aristocratic ancestors who had lands and rich possessions in Crimea lost everything because of the Russian empress. She decided to launch a geopolitical project in Crimea. Named Tavrida, based on imperial splendor, she started by labeling us barbarians,  gradually erasing our history, culture and our heritage, all that reminded about Crimean Tatars.

ZAREMA: However, in May 1944, our people were faced with even more difficult days. The Soviet Union, led by dictator Joseph Stalin and his inner circle, committed genocide. He ordered the forced expulsion of the entire Crimean Tatar nation in just two days. While our grandparents Umer and Ridván fought against Nazism, all our defenseless women, children, and elderly were loaded onto cattle transport and transported to Central Asian countries. Our grandmother Levise was 7 years old when Soviet law enforcement broke into her house in the village of Baidary at 5 am on May 18, 1944. This village is now called Uglovoye. In connection with the forced expulsion, her mother, brothers, and sisters were given only 15 minutes to gather without any explanation.

Our relatives were gathered from all over Crimea, assembled at railway stations, loaded like animals into cattle cars, and taken to Uzbekistan on a deadly journey that lasted almost a month. People died from suffocation, lack of food and water, and the bodies of the dead were simply thrown onto the road. Stalin’s real goal was to erase all indigenous national identities throughout the Soviet Union. His twisted ambition was to create a unified Soviet people devoid of uniqueness, united by the Russian language, distorted historical data, and propaganda.

ZERA: Another inhuman and utopian ideology that claimed the lives of many settlers was the imprisonment of millions of people. One of the imprisoned dissidents was leader, Mustafa Cemilev. When the deportation took place, he was only one year old. He experienced all the difficulties alongside his people, and his greatest dream, like the dreams of thousands of other Crimean Tatar dissidents, was to return home. Because of this dream, he spent 15 years in Soviet prisons and camps, surviving 303 days of hunger strikes. All this because we wanted to return home. In exile, the Crimean Tatar people were not allowed to leave their places of exile; our relatives lived in concentration camps – special barracks without humane conditions, where they simply died of disease. As a result of the deportation, every second Crimean Tatar died.

ZAREMA:  Our’s grandfather’s Mom and little brother was killed by injections in the hospital in one day. Our grandfather managed to escape this lethal injection; he fled when he saw his family being taken from the medical room one by one, covered with sheets. So he was left alone. And for the rest of his life, he didn’t trust the medical staff even in Crimea. This genocide killed 46.3% of the population. 

Crimean Tatar People were not allowed to leave their places of exile until Stalin’s sudden death. 

While all deportation’s peoples were returning to their homelands , only the Crimean Tatar People were not allowed to do this. The Soviet regime tried to forcibly assimilate them, dissolve them,  but the Crimean Tatar People are like that flower that grows through a rock. We are still alive and we have survived. 

ZERA: When the Soviet Union collapsed, the Crimean Tatar people began returning to their homeland, and our family came back to Crimea with three children and grandparents. It was a difficult time for entire people in the 90s in Crimea; other people lived in our grandparents’ homes, and the local population greeted us unfriendly. As 5-year-old kids, we lived in tents for 3-4 months because the local population did not rent apartments to Crimean Tatar people and didn’t want to employ them, hoping that indigenous people would leave the homeland due to the lack of conditions. Each of us had to go through 7 circles of hell.

ZAREMA: One day, our grandfather said he wanted to show us his village and the house where he was born and grew up in Bakhchisarai. When we got to the house, our grandfather stood in front of the family door for a long time, as if memories overwhelmed him. He was very upset and knocked on the familiar door. After 45 years, the new owners turned out to be his neighbors, who immediately recognized him. But they started shouting at him to leave; we all were confused. He stepped away from us so we wouldn’t see his pain, and there, on the side, we saw tears streaming down his cheeks. It was hard for us to see him like that. When Zera and I came up to him to hug him, he said that a few minutes in his yard have brought him a breath of air from memories of a happy his childhood when everyone was alive. He placed his palms on our hearts and said that there is a light within each of us, and we must hold onto this light in every difficult moment, because this light guides our path.

Father and Grandfather built a house on a small plot of land they purchased in a village far away from Bakhchisarai. We remember as soon as we moved into the house and woke up the next morning, our mother called us outside and said: “Girls, welcome the first Crimean snow.” We remember this moment as if it were yesterday.

ZERA: One day our brother came home from school  with a torn jacket. When our mother asked what happened, our brother ran away without saying a word. A week later, we learned that during class the class teacher grabbed him by the collar to punish him for speaking Crimean Tatar in class. He was in 4th grade. This attitude towards the Crimean Tatars was general ksenofob position in the homeland. 

My sister and I enrolled to universities back home in Simferopol. During this period, the Orange Revolution began – Crimean Tatars supported Yushchenko because he promised in his election campaigns that he would restore all rights to the Crimean Tatars. 15   I was one Crimean Tatar in my group, it was obvious that I was not for Yanukovych. And because of my Pro-Ukrainian side all professors of the university were lowed my grades and then I decided to transfer to the University of Kiev, so as not to feel bullied to myself. I moved to Kiev and I started learning and building my life there.

ZAREMA: My university was more loyal to my choice of president, but when I decided to get an internship, the head of the bank in my face told me that according to the rules of the company can not hire people of Crimean Tatar nationality. At the family council it was decided to follow my sister to Kiev.

And we could have had more joyful moments and happiness to share with you if not for another tragedy, the tragedy of the 2014 occupation. Yet another Moscow dictator decided to launch his own geopolitical project in Crimea based on Russian military grandeur. He turned my homeland into a prison, an open-air prison, where anyone who dared to publicly say that Crimea is Ukraine could be imprisoned for at least 15-20 years on terrorism charges. Because of this repressive reality, many thousands of Crimean Tatars and Ukrainians started to flee the peninsula. For example, our friend’s son received a 7-year sentence for sending $14 to a card for a friend who served in the Ukrainian battalion Noman Celebidzhikhan. His name is Appaz, and he is the youngest prisoner there.

ZERA: Because of this repressive reality, ethnic Ukrainians and Crimean Tatars are facing danger. Threats, harassments, imprisonments, disappearances, and torture are forcing the indigenous people to leave their homeland. This situation mirrors what happened in Imperial and Soviet times, and now under the Russian Federation. The first victim of the 2014 occupation was a 33-year-old man named Reshat Ametov, a Crimean Tatar and father of three. He protested alone in Simferopol’s Central Square, supporting Ukraine. He was arrested and taken somewhere unknown. Two weeks later, we found him dead and mutilated.

ZAREMA: At that moment, my sister and I realized our loved ones were in danger. Our father had worked at a school for over 25 years, but everything changed when the Russian world came to Crimea. The new government and the new pro-Russian director started imposing their laws and oppressing those who supported Ukraine at the school. It was harsh psychological pressure. The work environment where he had worked for 25 years became hostile. Stressful situations at the school happened one after another. We begged him to go to Kiev, but he believed that Ukraine would return to Crimea tomorrow, and we would all be free again.

ZERA: After his death, about 2,000 students came to say goodbye to him. For seven years, our father’s disciples have been coming to our house for his birthday. They tell our mom funny stories about Dad, how pupils loved him and respected him. Yeah. We were broken up wanted to screaming our pain. We miss him every day, and we are sad that he will not see his grandchildren, a liberated Crimea, or justice for the Crimean Tatars.

ZAREMA: We, as daughters of our people, have learned not to give in to fear and sadness. Our belief in justice drives us. We continue to fight propaganda and disinformation, sharing the truth about the Crimean Tatars. To do this, we have created a YouTube channel where we share information about the life of our people in Crimea and document Russia’s violations. 21   We actively participate in various platforms. It is for these actions that we have been blacklisted by Russia. We know that if we try to enter Crimea, we’ll be imprisoned, like other activists (Lenie Umerova, Appaz Kurtametov, Edem Bekirov etc.)

ZERA: When Russia started a full-scale war in Ukraine, we started receiving death threats from unknown persons. In the first week of the war we sat in an unfamiliar basement, afraid to go outside. Butcha was happening nearby. We were full of fear, and at that moment panic attacks began. It was impossible to leave Kiev. Stations were crowded with women and children. The roads were full of traffic. Petrol was already in short supply. When we finally got out of the basement, we saw tanks passing through the windows and we heard the separatists marking houses for rocket attacks. This moment will be remembered forever.

ZAREAMA: This is the sound of danger, the sound of death, the sound of uncertainty, the sound of alarm. When we hear this sound, it means that Russia is launching its missiles or drones at our peaceful cities. When this dreadful sound echoes in the middle of the night, it’s a loud reminder that you could lose your life, your loved ones, or your home. Yes, we were really scared when the invasion began. At first, panic set in for each of us, but we didn’t allow this fear to paralyze us, and the whole nation, armed forces, volunteers, journalists, everyone, 24/7 defended our country. In the early days of the war, we, as marketers and IT specialists, organized a group on Telegram where we removed online tags in Google maps placed by Russian IT specialists on civilian objects throughout Ukraine.

We also said goodbye to life when a missile was flying towards us, which our air defense forces shot down. All this happened in front of our eyes, and we had no idea if we would survive. Bucha, Kherson, Irpin, and other worthy cities of Ukraine, the city of Mariupol became a death trap for thousands of Ukrainians. Mass graves, abductions, torture, filtration camps, rapes, and death – this is what we went through during 2 years of horrible war, but we survived. We turned our pain into our strength, our trauma into our resistance, our grief into determination to fight for our home. If you’ve ever seen a sunbeam break through the clouds on a rainy day, you’ve seen the image of our country, Ukraine, not as a victim, but as a nation breaking through with dignity. Our collective and my personal trauma with Zera has taught us one thing.

ZERA: Home is more than just a spot on the map; it’s a place where our hearts feel calm and our dreams come alive. It’s where we keep our memories safe and our future bright. Home is our stronghold, where we protect what we love. It’s full of hope, love, and precious memories. 

War in Ukraine 2022

All Roads lead to Crimea: Crimean Tatar Anthem in Manhattan

Ukrainians and Crimean Tatars Unite in a Unique Cultural Event

The organizers: Razom For Ukraine, Crimean Tatar Foundation USA, and the co-organizers, the Ukrainian Institute and Сemiyet, partners Brighter Ukraine Foundation, Speakers: Mustafa Jemilev, Andriy Grigorenko, Mubein Altan, Walter Ruby, Zera and Zarema Mustafaieva

 

Agenda 

Doors Open – 1:00 pm  

Session Starts – 1:30 pm  

Coffee & Sweets – 3:30 pm  

 

Location 

Ukrainian National Home

Manhattan, 140 2nd Ave, New York, NY 10003

One big event introduced Ukrainians and Americans to the world of Crimean Tatar heritage, enriched the cultural landscape and opened new horizons of understanding.

On July 1 at 1 p.m., the Ukrainian National Home hosted an exciting event that opened the door to learning about the rich and deep Crimean Tatar history and culture*.

We introduced Ukrainians and Americans to the richness of Crimean Tatar culture and shed light on the history and legacy that Crimean Tatars have left in this world. The event, which consisted of fascinating performances, exhibitions and concerts, provided a unique opportunity to delve deeper into an ethnographic journey and realize the significance of this people in the context of modern culture.

More than 200 people joined this cultural celebration and met with talented artists, researchers and cultural figures, sharing the joy of discovery and creating new threads of connection between Americans, Ukrainians and Crimean Tatars

https://youtu.be/KDcq2IU37T8

 



Founders of the Crimean Tatar Foundation USA